A NEW RESISTACE WAR
By Van Nguyen
The political and economic failures
following the takeover of South Vietnam brought the communist regime to a standstill.
Having entered the new era of “glasnost
and perestroika,” the Socialist Republic of Vietnam still preserved the beau
principles of Marxism-Leninism, however. It persistently applied methods of repression
of the class struggle of the proletariat against elements it regarded as
hostile to it, holding grips of the monopoly of power to destroy at the roots
the petty-bourgeoisie and remnants of the old Republic of Vietnam and coercing
people of all walks of life into serving an increasingly despotic regime. All
people, regardless of their classes are continually deprived off their rights,
politically, economically, and culturally. The Communist Party and State of
Vietnam nevertheless failed to achieve their objectives Seth forth by the party
congresses of 1976, 1981, and 1986.
Monopoly
of power persists. Democracy and freedom under socialism proved to be mere
rhetoric and slogans. Independence, Liberty, and Happiness only exist on paper.
Failures in the economy, the expansion of inequalities and social ills, and the
uncontrollable corruption of the bureaucracy all bring about disastrous
consequences in the society and engender open dissent among all walks of life.
The population suffers intermittent hardships. The peasantry in the Mekong
Delta destroys crops in protest of unpopular agrarian reforms. Inhabitants in
new economic zones leave for the cities due to penury. Laboring on land without
having means of production, city residents are left destitute after repeated
issuance of new banknotes. A trend
towards “revisionism” within the members of the Communist Party is apparent. Those
party members who have solid belief in communism and who have persevered firm
loyalty to the Communist Party of Vietnam such as veteran resistance fighters
in the South fall in sheer desperation. Worse
still, they are not spared from discrimination.
In effect, after 30 years of sacrifices
beyond all doubts and loyal services rendered to Hanoi (1945-75), a number of
leaders of the former National Front of Liberation of South Vietnam were laid
off to retirement. In addition, they were deceived by socialism: despotism,
social inequalities. Injustice and corruption were increasingly pervasive. The
sacrifices for the Revolution cause were fruitless. Instead of implementing the
conditions of life of the people, the “Revolution” they were immersed inpoverty.
Quite a few ranking cadres, born in the South, were from the middle class.
Although their services to the Party were enormous, their parents, their brothers,
and their sisters were among the victims of merciless repression during the
economic reforms in the cities and the collectivization of land in the South
during the years 1978 and 1983-85. Since they were dispossessed from their
properties, they were exiled in the new
economic zones. Hence, they could
not hide their bitterness before a deceptive reality. A number of
"historic" leaders of the former Front then wanted to unite to defend
their interests and the rights of veteran fighters of the Resistance. They had
nothing to lose.
The group of the Trans, the appellation was given according to the family
name of the three leaders: General Tran Van Tra, ex-chairman of the Military
Committee of Administration of Saigon-Cho Lon-Gia Dinh in 1975, Professor Tran
Van Giau, and Tran Bach Dang. The group created a private society Hoi Cuu Khang Chien (Association
of Veteran Resistance Fighters), having its club section operating in small
groups in Ho Chi Minh City and the provinces where they could express themselves
freely. The organization had its own magazine Truyen Thong Khang Chien (Traditions of Resistance),
which was not accorded recognizance by the State, with Nguyen Ho, the chairman
of the Patriotic Front in Ho Chi Minh City, as editor-in-chief and Ta Ba Tong,
ex-official of the Patriotic Front
in charge of propaganda among the intellectuals in the South during the Vietnam
War, as assistant editor (Lam Thanh Liem..EDA. 1994: 2-3).
In 1993 when the leadership of the
Communist Party of Vietnam, following the steps of China, determinedly changed the
approach to administration of the country: build it into a socialist State
according the ideological premise: “a market economy with socialist
orientation. In June 1993, Nguyen Khac
Vien, from Paris, , sent a letter, to his colleague comrades in the country,
expressed deep concerns about the new situation and called on vigilance against
an uncertain future of the regime. The
veteran communist disclosed his heart, saying:
“What are we doing?
The imperative answer to this burning question
is reserved for the youths. At the age of 80, I ask myself: What am I going to
say? How should I say in a way that would not make it a reproach to someone and
an ironical mocking to others?
No,
absolutely not. I would not stick to the fanatic style of anti-imperialism. I would
not call for revolt or wish to return to the ways that have driven us to the
abyss. Neither would I share the
optimism to be appointed (to some position) by this side or (lured) by sheer
bitter nihilism of the other.
I
only say: “Capitalism, no objection.”
To open the way to develop capitalism in
the country; to open door to capitalism outside. “No objection.”
I
only call on you: “Caution”.
The
nature of capitalism is savage.
The capitalist locomotive will pull up our
country to move forward, it would not allow anyone to doze off; it disposes a
drastic shake-up of roles and ranks. That’s good, anyway! But, be cautious. `
Out of his nature, the capitalist will
exploit anyone who bows his head to his exploitation, represses and kills
anyone who obstructs his business, bribes the corrupt officials, and deceives
the foolish
It is fortunate enough for us, however:
the capitalist is always practical. He
is never a fanatic or a martyr. He exploits, represses, and kills, bribes the
corrupt officials, and deceives the foolish only whenever possible.
Encounter an enemy that is stronger than
he, he concedes and resorts to cunning --better back next time. Touch it, if is
soft, leave it if it is tough, he deals with the situation.
It is necessary for us to create a force
that will be the counterforce to the mighty force of capitalism.
In the past, we established a large
Internal People’s Front to fight against an imperialist invasion. We have preceded
all-purpose resistance. To fight against the salvage imperialists this time,
not allowing them to behave outrageously, we have to proceed a new resistance
which is more long-lasting and more polyhedral in order to successfully
restrain the spread of corruption, protect the environment, lessen social
injustices and division between the rich and the poor, preserve good morals and
good customs, develop the nature of human beings, respect the rights of women,
the rights of children ,and the rights of ethnic minority groups. It is a resistance war in many
aspects, propagation on the television, in the press, in the arts with films,
and literature with books, to provide the laws to form associations, to conduct
labor strikes, to organize free elections, and to develop the studies in the
domain of the humanities sciences. No areas of the political and social and
life is left out.
The difference is this resistance war is
not an armed war. And, this time, Marx is still the master and leader with his saying:
“An idea incorporated in the masses is transformed into a material force.”
We will incorporate ideas of democracy,
social justice, international cause, and human love into the masses. Modern
technology creates for us all means to achieve this endeavor, transforming
savage capitalism into civilized capitalism.
Let’s go together into the new resistance
war!”
This address was an urgent call for
change under “renovation.” The Association of Veteran Fighters of the
Resistance War (1945-1955) against the French invaders would be the vanguard
force in the new resistance war (Nguyen Van Tran. Viet Cho Me va Quoc Hoi Van
Nghe. 1995).
No comments:
Post a Comment