CALLS FOR FREEDOM, DEMOCRACY, AND RIGHTS
By Van Nguyen
The Vietnamese people have ever aspired since the
heydays of the August Uprising in 1945 for freedom, democracy, and rights. The
dream has never come true. Professor Nguyen Manh Tuong, in his remarks in the
rectification of errors sessions at the Patriotic Front conference (1956) in
Hanoi, pointed out in clear terms that “the grave errors and the causes that
engender them result from the policies.” He addressed changes and called for the
respect for freedom, democracy, and rights. Errors are not only exposed in the
agrarian reforms but also in various domains, creatting a tumult in the
society. “Disunion between classes and opposition within a class are
noticeable. As a result, a number of people die a tragic death. The peasant and
the worker still live in misery. National industry and business enterprises
suffer large losses while they had brought in colossal interests under French
domination. There is, in addition, an absence of the rule of law!”
All these errors equally result from the disrespect to
the law, the contempt for the intellectuals and their specialty, and the
isolation from the masses. Victorious achievements brought in following the
revolution has incited politicians to act with self-satisfaction. They believe
that they are uniquely able to assume the role of leadership in the judiciary,
coercing it into serving politics regardless of the fundamental principles of
the law. Politics places itself above the law. The “Revolution” abuses power.
To give a person the death sentence without due procedure is a political
measure. Politics monopolizes all activities in all domains without respect for
the principles of the law, the domain of specially that resides with the
judiciary. The distrust of the intellectuals becomes increasingly serious. Repression
against them is imminently apparent. After ten years of its creation, the
National Assembly has still failed to respond to the true aspirations of the
masses. Its legislative power is nominal—to pass the policy only. The Front,
which is a popular organization, also assumes a nominal role. It is allowed and
encouraged to echo slogans. It is not treated democratically. Its contribution
to the leadership of the country is restricted. It
stays away from the masses, being cooped up in subjectivism. Bureaucracy,
authoritarianism, and dictatorship prevail.
A conscientious political regime should be conversant
with the respect for the laws, establishing a rule of law whereby politics aptly
assumes the role of leadership while promoting the high respect for the laws. Only
inn this way could the regime redress its prestige and regain strong support
from the masses. A true democratic country is the one in which the citizen is
the master not only by the prescriptions in the constitution but also by the
practices in reality. The masses have only asked for dialogue, to be allowed to
present suggestions on the policy the leadership has established. The National
Salvation Front, particularly its press organ, the daily “Cuu Quoc” (National
Salvation), should reflect truthfully the contents of the debates at the
meetings of the Front and publish on it the engagements. There should be no
obstruction to the freedom of the press and expression. Not only should we recognize
the rights to freedom and democracy, we should also create conditions for the
realization of these rights.”
Fifteen years after the “liberation of the South, the
aspirations for freedom, democracy, and rights remained vain hopes. The
Reverend Chan Tin, in his preaching’s during the 1990 Easter ceremony when “doi
moi” (renovation) was under way, noted that “The Vietnamese are hoping for
change. They are also fearful of facing a dramatic situation of a disintegrated
society where they are stripped off the fundamental human and civil rights, which
are stipulated in the United Nations Bill of Rights of December 10, 1948. The
disrespect to human rights results in the breach on human conscience. They are,
namely, the freedoms to speech and expression, religion, equality before the law,
legal security and due process, and free movement in the society. Human and
civil rights are restricted. They are not rights but privileges; they are given
and stripped off momentarily. The injustices the Vietnamese have suffered for
forty years cannot be perpetuated,” (Chan Tin. Preaching. April 10, 1990)
Politically, “until the present day, Vietnam has still
been an undemocratic state. The people are the master of the country. That is
only a slogan. The Communist Party and its administration show no respect for
human and civil rights. The Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam
recognizes the fundamental human and civil rights of the citizen – such as the rights
to speech (Art. 67), religion (Art. 68), habeas corpus (Art. 69) protection of
the laws as regards life, property, and honor and dignity (Art. 70), and free
movement and residence (Art. 71). There is no respect for such rights in
reality. The press is instrumental in the hands of the Party. Anyone that
voices opinions other than those of the State is attributed to as reactionary
and sentenced to prison term.
For fifteen years (1975-1990), the
Communist Party of Vietnam has monopolized power in the administration of the
whole Vietnamese people. It ever holds dear the ideological lines of orthodox
communism like other communist parties in Eastern Europe, China, North Korea,
and Cuba, best-known without doubt as the countries that commit most serious
violations against fundamental human and civil rights. Eastern European countries
have repented. They have denounced the most atrocious crimes the political
regime has practiced in line with the orthodox Stalinism. They then declare to honor
the respect for human rights, religious freedom, and the freedom for prisoners
of conscience. The Communist Party of Vietnam has not repented; it has only
implemented the monopoly of leadership of the Party, instead. It has never put
into consideration the rights of the human person and other policies and programs
that need to be implemented for renovation” (Chan Tin. On Repentance. April 11,
1990).
The dictatorship of the proletariat has
immersed the Vietnamese people in the darkness of oppression, repression, and
persecution. As a result, quite a few former unflagging communists could not
stand it. Many of them voiced dissent and opposition. Nguyen Ho was among the
most energetic veteran resistance war fighters who out spoke out criticisms
against the Communist Party. He denounced its monody of power and advocated
political and economic reforms. Together with other colleagues, he founded, in
1986, the “Hoi Cuu Khang Chien” (Association of Veteran Resistance War
Fighters), published ate newspaper “Truyen Thong Khang Chien” National Holding
up the traditional spirit of resistance of the Vietnamese people against the
Invaders) and popularizing its purpose. He was arrested as a result of his criticisms
of the Party and demands for freedom and democracy. In an open letter dated June
22, 1989, Nguyen Ho bluntly judged Hanoi’s political misconduct--conservatism,
authoritarianism, and violations of the constitution. He demanded more freedom,
political pluralism, and multiparty. To blot out a wave of arguments that might
instigate opposition inside the Party at the time more than a million Chine
demonstrated at Tianmen Square to demand democracy and multiparty and, at the
same time, to deter the consequences of an unprecedented political crisis taking
place in Eastern Europe, Hanoi decided to silence his voice
Nguyen Ho was arrested in 1990, having withdrawn from
the Communist Party and lived in retirement. He was then placed under
administrative detention in Saigon. In May 1993, he was released supposedly due
to intervention by Germany Foreign MinisterKlaus Kindel.
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