Saturday, May 23, 2020

THE COMMUNIST BLOC AFTER THE COLD WAR


      THE COMMUNIST BLOC AFTER THE COLD WAR

      By Van Nguyen




  The Helsinki Agreement

In 1975, an international conference 25 countries including the United States and the Soviet Union attempted to reach agreement on cooperation ‘in security, economics, science, technology, and human rights. The title is the Helsinki Conference on Security and Cooperation, which is regarded as a turning point for the beginning of détente and of the Cold War. Successive dialogues between the United States and the Soviet Union opened up to treaties on missile and arms limitations in spite of specific quarrels.  There were, it was believed, many violations of the provisions of the accord. There was an awareness of contrasts between Western Europe and Eastern Europe in the Eastern Bloc, diverse groups emerged, survived, and even strengthened their positions, in spite of severe repression. Certain officials or economic specialists, and even some party members began to show signs of skeptics about the effects of centralized planning. There was then increasing discussion of the advantages of utilizing market mechanisms.

   Eastern Europe

The first clear sign came in Poland in the early years of the 1980’s.Polish workers protested against economic policy condemning ill-treatment. A series of strikes came in a rights struggle in the Gdank shipyard. An organized federation of trade unions, “Solidarity” with Lech Walesa at its head emerged.  Political demands added weight to the economic interests of the workers. This was the crucial step towards a labor solidarity movement of an independent, self-governing trade union. Poland proved itself an independent and free country. Alongside, clandestine organization and publication, strikes and demonstrations, and continuing ecclesiastical condemnation of the regime sustained responsibilities and braved consequences.

Poland led Eastern Europe to freedom. Events there were quickly been perceived in other Communist countries whose leaders were much alarmed. In varying degree, the Eastern Europe was exposed to increasing flow of information about new events through television, especially marked in the Democratic Republic of Germany. More freedom of government, more access to foreign books and newspapers advanced the process of criticism there as in Poland.  A change in consciousness was under way The Hungarians had moved almost as rapidly in economic liberalization as the Poles, even before overt political change. But their actual contribution to the collapse of Eastern Europe came in August 1989. Germans from the Democratic Republic of Germany were then allowed to enter Hungary freely as tourists, though their purpose was known to be to present themselves to the embassy and consulates of the Federal Republic for asylum.

     Successive incidents unfolded, aggravating the situation. A complete opening of Hungary’s frontiers came in September 1989 when Czechoslovakia followed suit, and a flow became a flood. In three days, 12,000 East Germans crossed from these countries to the West. The Soviet authorities admitted that this was “unusual.” For the Democratic Republic of Germany, it was the beginning of the end. On the eve of the carefully-planned and much-wanted celebration of forty years’ “success” as a socialist country during a visit by Gorbachev. Riot police had to battle with anti-government demonstrators on the streets of East Berlin. The government and party threw out their leader, but this was not enough. November opened with huge demonstrations in many countries against a regime whose corruption was becoming evident. On November 9 came the greatest symbolic act of all, the breaking of the Berlin Wall. The East German Politburo caved in and the demolition of the rest of the Wall followed.

     After four decades of Communist rule, the six countries of Eastern Europe still within the Soviet sphere of influence--those that, collectively, and often been referred to as the ‘Soviet external empire’--underwent what can only be described as revolutionary transformation. By the end of 1989, the Communists were no longer dominant in the governments of Czechoslovakia, Poland, and --arguably--Hungary, while their hold on power in the Germany Democratic Republic and Bulgaria was tenuous. They looked set to --and did--loose powering those countries in 1990. Symbolically, at least, the Berlin Wall came down in November 1989. Even in the most authoritarian and seemingly immutable of the entire Soviet -bloc countries of the region, Romania, the quarter-century dictatorship of Nicolae and Elem Ceausescu had collapsed--unfortunately, at considerable human cost. There, as in other European countries, the constitutional guarantee of the ‘leading role’ of the Communist party had by the year’s end been abolished, and the country was no longer officially described as a ‘Socialist Republic.’ Moving beyond the Soviet Bloc, Yugoslavia was clearly in crisis, not only was the ideology of Marxism-Leninism apparently about to be officially abandoned, but the country itself was in great danger of disintegration (Leslie Homes, 1993:301-2).

At the end of 1990, the condition of what had once seemed the almost monolithic East European bloc already defied generalization or brief description. As former Communist countries (Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Hungary) applied to join the European Community or got ready to do so (Bulgaria), some observers speculated about potentially wider degree of European unity than ever before. More cautious judgments were made by those who noted the virulent emergence of new-- or emergence of the old--national and communal division to plague the new East. Above all, over the whole area there generated the storm-clouds of economic failure and the turbulence they might bring. Liberation might have come, but it had come to peoples and societies of very different levels of sophistication and development and with very different historical origins.

The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

     Mikhail Gorbachev became President of the Supreme Court, Head of State in 1989 and was elected to a five-year term as executive president in March 1990. Drastic political, economic, and defense developments increasingly shattered the Union, In  In June 1Successive989, the USSR, for the first time conducted open general elections for a popular congress amid the movement for democracy in Peking was at its climax and Eastern Europe sought for greater real freedom. In August, 1989 the Solidarity Union of Poland won popular general elections and came to power. The Communist Eastern Bloc was in chaos. Ceausescu was overthrown after a bloody demonstration. Tudor Zhukov was eliminating. Honaker was called to resign from office. Vaclav Havel led the Velvet Revolution, won the general elections and became President.

 Incidents of disintegration ever mounted, Chaos surged. Nationalists challenged in Kazakhstan, Baltic republics, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The Lithuanian parliament declared the annexation of 1939 invalid. Lithuania asserted independence. Latvia and Estonia also claimed their independence, though in slightly different terms. Parliaments in the nine of the Soviet republics had either declared they were sovereign or asserted a substantial degree of independence from the central government. Some republic made local languages official; some others even put Soviet ministries and economic agencies to local control. The Russia Republic, in particular, sought to operate its own economy independently from that of the central administration while the Ukrainian Republic sought to set up its own army. In March 1990, elections led President Gorbachev once more back to the path of reform and a search for a new Union treaty which  could preserve some central role for the State.

 The true state of the Soviet Union and its people’s attitudes was revealed to the rest of the world. “Glasnost” (openness) had brought the first surveys of public opinion through polls discrediting of the party and nomenclature. Economic failure was also a factor. Accelerations for domestic, economic and political programs of “perestroika” (restructuring) from 1987 proved to be futile. After seventy years of socialist construction under the aegis of Marxism-+Leninism, the USSR was revealed to be unreal. The three Baltic republics Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania manifested dissatisfaction with their lot and, in the end, left the way to political change. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union agreed to end one-party rule. The Supreme Soviet passed the law allowed freedom of religion. In August 1991, hard-line communist staged a coup to remove Gorbachev from power, but the president was still in power owing to strong opposition from Yeltsin, who then led the way in dissolution of communist rule. In November and December 1991, the republic seceded from the Union. Total disintegration of the Soviet Union was clearly in sight, and the collapse of the Communist Bloc was certain.

Monday, May 11, 2020

THE SUPPRESSION



THE SUPPRESSION

By Van Nguyen



 Efforts were made to remedy deteriorations in the administration of the country. In the congress of June 11, 1989 in Ho Chi Minh City, members of association, having discussed the “rights to freedom and democracy of the citizen and other important issues of the society,” sent a petition to the National Assembly, requesting it to “verify and have attitude towards a number of constitutional violations of certain government organs.” The Ministry of Information, as a case in evidence, infringed on Article 67 of the Constitution on freedom of the press, closed down in series the newspapers that daringly revealed the truth, particularly setbacks in the fighting against conservatism, bureaucracy, and authoritarianism. 

Facing sharp requests from the association and being apprehensive of a movement of dissent inspired from it, during the Sixth Plenum taking place, June 15–August 4,1989, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam discussed important issues among which  was  the conduct of ideological tasks vis-à-vis the political developments in the country and abroad. The discussion was focussed on the conspiracy of the American imperialism and the activities of anti-revolutionary forces that were outlining vile schemes to destroy socialism.  Party Secretary-general Nguyen Van Linh stressed the goal of democratic centralism and the unshakable will of the Party to eradicate every artful plot of the enemy. The debate concluded with firm resolution “to determinedly exterminate political pluralism and persistently carry out proletariat dictatorship”

   On August 22, 1989, leading members of the association held a conference in Ho Chi Minh City. Among them were Nguyen Ho, Ha Huy Giap, To Ky, Huynh Van Tieng, and Tran Van Tra. After deliberate discussion, the group sent a petition to the Central Party Committee requesting it to define the main objective of the economy for the South, invigorating the national economy and enforcing a comprehensive renovation. More importantly, the Party should not place itself above the Constitution and the law; it should serve itself as an example, showing high respect for the laws.
     
    The petition pointed out: “There is no dialogue, no discussion whatsoever. [The Party and the State] do not listen to opinions from cadres, party members, and the masses. The leadership, orientation, and management of the Party and State, in some respects, are inclined to dependent on orders, severe administrative measures, violence, and weapons (guns, electric rods, and hunting dogs) to face the masses. Such incidents had taken place in Cong Hoa Village (Thanh Hoa Province), Tu Trinh Village (Thai Binh Province), and Ky Hoa (Ho Chi Minh City). Those hard measures indicated that the Party and the State had used the Steel Fist approach to restore social order. There is no doubt that the peasantry was the main force of the Revolution in the rural areas and that the students were the main forces for the Revolution in the cities. They are now "enjoying" a taste of our weapons, the atrocity of hunting dogs, the proletarian dictatorship, and socialism. That is sad! (Do Trung Hieu. Cau Lac Bo Nhung Nguoi Khang Chien Cu. 1995: 27)

On January 7, 1990, more than 200 members of the association and representatives from various organizations held a seminar at the National Museum, Ho Chi Minh City under the co-chairmanship of General Tran Van Tra, Pham Van Khai, former Party Secretary of the South Thanh Son, and Tran Bach Dang, discussed “an approach to renovation,” establishing a more democratic and freer political regime for a modern Vietnam. On the same day, a debate on the situation of the country was taking place at the House of Culture of the city on Xo Viet Nghe Tinh Avenue with the participation of prestigious long-standing Communist party members among who were Tran Van Giau, Nguyen Van Tran, and La Van Lam. The main theme was focused on “the reforms in East Europe and the actual renovation in Vietnam.”  Tran Van Giau pointed out the setbacks of renovation in the Soviet Union, specifically he deteriorating economy and the ailing leadership that led to the disintegration of the communist bloc, not only in this country but also in other countries in Eastern Europe. Comprehensive reforms were sufficient and necessary condition to save Vietnam from backwardness and authoritarianism.

To suppress opposition, the Party Committee executed strict measure; convoking 24 members in the association liaison committee were convoked to the Fatherland Front Headquarter of Ho Chi Minh City to be explained on true patriotism and the path to socialism and vile schemes of “peaceful evolution.” The Club of Veteran Resistance War Fighters became a thorn in the side of the Communist Party of Vietnam Party and was fast developing into an ant-communist movement just like the Nhan Van Giai Pham (Humanity Literary Movement) in the North in the late 1950”s. Repression ensued. The Politburo executed harsh measure, forbidding all assemblies by the Club, suspending the review “Truyen Thong Khang Chien”, instructing the executive board to exclude from it extremist elements, particularly, Nguyen Ho and Ta Ba Tong and disbanding auxiliary activities sections such as the  Actives Committee, for example. 

On March 4, 1990, Nguyen Van Hanh representing the Party Committee of Ho Chi Minh City openly criticized Nguyen Ho’ on charges of deviations from the objectives of the association. Nguyen Ho was excluded from the executive committee and was replaced by Pham Khai, who was nominated acting chairman of the association. A session of work of senior party members under the chairmanship of the Party Secretary of Ho Chi Minh City Vo Tran Tri accused Nguyen Ho of wrongdoings. General Tran Van Tra, specifically, pointed out the serious mistakes Nguyen Ho had committed, notably, the dissemination of the petition to the Communist Party and State of Vietnam calling for adoption of political plurality and multiparty. The rhetorician Tran Bach Dang analyzed in depth these deviations in terms of ideology, mainly the principles of democratic centralism and concluded that Nguyen Ho was obviously a traitor. On March 21, 1990, Nguyen Ho left Saigon to live in seclusion in Song Be Province and denned membership to the Communist Party of Vietnam. Key members of the Club were arrested one by one. Among them were Do Trung Hieu, Ta Ba Tong, and Ho Hieu. Disheartened, Pham Khai resigned from his position as Caiman of the Executive Board of the association. On May 5, 1990, Pham Van Dang, the newly-nominated Chairman of the Executive Board of the Association of Veteran Resistance War Fighters, in a circular letter, informed members of the club of the subversive activities activated by enemy forces currently operating in the country and advised everyone to heighten vigilance against any vile scheme of reactionary and ant-revolutionary elements.  On July 30, 1990, the Party Committee of Song Be met Nguyen Ho and charged him with crimes of espionage. On July 9, 1990, Nguyen Ho was arrested and placed under house supervisor at Cu Chi District, southwest of Saigon.

 The Association of Veteran Resistance War Fighters of Ho Chi Minh City was disbanded in mid-1990, but it was not until April 1994 that the Communist Party and State of Vietnam informed party cadres and the population of the “Veteran Resistance War Fighters Affair” and the Party’s political judgments. There was no mention of the motif as regards the disbandment, however.