Economic Reforms--The Failures (II)
By Van Nguyen
In 1976, agricultural production achieved high
output leveling rice production rose to 11..8 million tons. The guideline for economic development for the
first five-year plan (1976-1980) by the IV Party Congress foresaw that by 1980
agricultural production should provide as much as 21 million tons of rice. Nevertheless,
State trade agencies could only purchase with force 11.6 million tons. Vietnam
had to import 1, 57 million tons of provisions. The reforms, as viewed by the
ideological architects of the regime, were designed to stimulate production,
especially in those areas of the economy which were administered by State plans.
Beginning in June 1978, agricultural products were conditioned by these plans
were nevertheless limited in scope. There was reflection of a caution. In the
South, the old society was still undergoing tremendous difficulties resulting
from the trade and industry policy on
the one hand and the unpopular measure of population relocation on the
other. The nil--growth economy persisted. The population—the workers, the
peasants the youth, both men and women, and the intellectuals—were disappointed
with it. . Pessimism was felt among various levels of the administration. In
the domain of agriculture, millions of
people had participated in bringing hundreds of thousands more hectares
of land under cultivation and building thousands of kilometers of roads for
circulation or dredging thousands of kilometers canals and ditches for
navigation. However, these changes were performed only through coercion rather
than of volition. The Party initiated various
policies aiming at eliminating the comprador capitalists as a class and doing
away with all vestiges of feudal exploitation. These measures failed to
exterminate the oils exploiting class. Rather, they gave impetus to the
appearance of a new ruling class. They radically realigned an elite class and
created a ruling machine that was controlled collectively by the putative
vanguard of the working class--the party--and by the senior cadres of the party
that were mostly from the North (Cima, 1989: 110).
The economic development
failed to achieve the purpose due to mismanagement and unpopular measures
Approximately 1.8 million hectares of cultivated land were left abandoned, and
70% of agricultural machines and implements disposed from the comprador bourgeoisie
were left unused in warehouses. Facing insurmountable difficulties, in the
economy, in August 1978, the Vietnamese Communist leaders agreed upon a number
of reforms in the economic system. They thus began a process of economic rejuvenation
which they hoped to redress the economy., The five-year economic plan (1976-1980)
that aimed to transform the
South proved to be a failure. The industrialization of the nation in the areas
of metallurgy, heavy construction, and agricultural collectivization planned by
the Ministry of Planning, which was headed by Vice Prime Minister Le Thanh
Nghi, declined. Inexperienced and cupid
high-ranking party members, usually blockhead political commissioners, executed
unplanned practices, thus destroying the wealth of the country and the hopes of
the people. Political commissioners in
the Dong Thap Muoi (Plain of Reeds) in the former Chuong Thien and Kien Phong
provinces, for example, cunningly had poor peasants transformed moors into
arable fields without groundwork for
irrigation. Thousands of labors and volunteers were sent to the area and worked
for months, but the fields remained water-flogging. In addition, from the beginning, the new economic program ran into
serious problems in recruiting labor (Van Duc. Let’s Overcome Fear. !993).
Work
conditions and means of production in the fields were very harsh, especially
for former urban dwellers with no previous farming experience. In spite of
substantial state investment in the state farms, the remuneration to workers
was low, and the living conditions were difficult, and productivity was
disappointing. Large numbers of émigrés began to drift back to the cities--a
move in itself entailed a considerable degree of economic insecurity. From the
beginning, the new economic program ran into serious problems in recruiting
labor. Conditions were very harsh,
especially for former urban dwellers with no previous farming experience. In
spite of substantial state investment in the state farms, the remuneration to
workers was low, living conditions were difficult, and productivity was meager.
Large numbers of émigrés began to drift back to the cities--a move in itself
entailed a considerable degree of economic insecurity.Another
setback in the land betterment was the lack of responsibility and expertise of
the cadres. The Tri An Dam
on the upper Vam Co River failed to take shape due to mismanagement and
corruption. Local political commissioners in the provinces adjacent to the
highland ordered the inhabitants to clear productive forests and woods for the
growing of manioc. Precious trees were felled and cut out then sold at any
price, and the money went to the cupid authorities' pockets. The result was that
productive forests and woods were gone, and the manioc never grew since the
land was poorly treated and left uncultivated without attention. Rice fields in
many other regions were, at times, left abandoned. The peasants were duped by
empty promises and unplanned measures. They felt indignant; they were betrayed
and exploited for the benefits of others.
The
five-year economic plan (1976-1980) aimed to transform the South
proved to be a failure. The industrialization in the area of metallurgy, heavy
construction, and agricultural collectivization planned by the Ministry of
Planning headed by Vice Prime Minister Le Thanh Nghi, fell into a decline. The
national economy plunged in crisis the following years. Communist leaders in
the South, particularly Vo Van Kiet, were blamed for deviations derailing the
economy of the South from socialist economic centralism. In October 1980, the
Party Committee of Ho Chi Minh held a congress, assessing the results of the
five-year plan 1976-1980. It then came
up with determination to carry out the change of orientation of the Party
Central Committee. In his speech to the congress on October 14, in the presence
of Party Secretary –General Le Duan and, Vo Van Kiet, Secretary of Ho Chi Minh City
Party Committee explained in concrete terms the shortcomings of an erroneous
policy that, in their views, would lead to chaos, and thus annihilating the legitimate political regime of the people. In
the North, the agrarian reforms, this time, also proved to be a failure. The
peasants i n the provinces in the upper Tonkin
Delta sold their land properties without state authorization, moved
to the Northwestern highlands, cleared forests and woods for rice fields, and
established permanent settlements. Hard measures were put into action but came
to no result. Local authorities were resigned to inaction. Besides, those
serious problems emerged beyond the Party’s prevision. Communist China withdrew
its economic assistance as the war in Kampuchea escalated, and the brother
country prepared to teach Vietnam a lesson. The economic life was deplorable
The
predominant peasantry, which is approximately 80% of the population, is still
exploited mercilessly and lives in misery. “It could be argued that this
situation was the inevitable consequence of a long and costly war and that,
with peace; the victorious government could have been expected to give top
priority to economic policies which improve living standards. But, this did not happen. Instead, it became
clear that the New Management System based on producer cooperatives was to be
implemented in both North and South Vietnam. By late 1979, it appeared that NMS
in North Vietnam had effectively collapsed; it had inhibited rather than
assisted agricultural growth and the generation of an inevitable surplus. We
simply do not have enough information to present a balance sheet on the impact
of North Vietnamese agrarian policies up to 1980. While many government
policies were clearly both inefficient and unpopular, it is likely that the
estimated 250,000 cadres who poured out of state training institutes into the
countryside in the 1960's and 1970's played an important role in introducing
new ideas about technology, the economy, and society into a stagnant and
oppressed rural sector further burdened with the consequences of a long and
brutal war. In doing so, they may well have laid the foundations for a more
dynamic and responsive agricultural sector in the 1990’s,” (FForde,
1989: 15).
Reviewing the Vietnamese Communist Party's
policies of land reforms, the Most Venerable Thich Quang Do had this to comment:
“The policies for land collectivization throughout 20 years (1960-1980) had
caused the country's economic exhaustion, the people’s extreme starvation --the
rice production was insufficient for the population to subsist. Fearful of a
popular uprising, the Vietnamese Communist Party had to change its policies,
replacing the land collectivization systems with the land contracts systems
to remedy the situation. Because of its
extremely heavy taxation on the products, the economic situation remained miserably
unchanged --the people were still starving (Thuy Giao and Ngoc Phuong,
1995).
North
Vietnamese agricultural output had been sustained because of the type of
collective structures which had been established in the 1960’s in the North. The neglect which the countryside had experienced
the height of the war had helped to
paper over the cracks, so it was not
until peace was restored and the government made efforts to strengthen the “socialist” character of the cooperatives
that the real weaknesses of the system were freely exposed. What these
weaknesses meant were that in the late 1970’s when the attempt to incorporate
the South coincided with a series of poor agricultural seasons and renewed
hostilities, this time with Pol Pot’s Cambodia and with China, the economy was
unable to cope with the shocks. Instead of experiencing a downturn of a rising
trend line of growth, the agricultural crisis of the late 1970’s precipitated a
reversal of economic growth, which in the context of an economy as poor as Vietnam’s
implied a renewal of the threat of famine for much of the northern population
and called into question, for the time, popular confidence in the leadership of the Communist Party
At
the time of reunification of the country, the North Vietnamese economy had
achieved a high level of socialism: most peasants were members of cooperative
units and nearly all staple food production was carried out by the units;
industry had also been incorporated into the socialist sector--modern
industrial plants were owned by the State at the central or provincial level
and handicrafts were run by cooperatives set up by districts or within
agricultural cooperatives. But this socialization of ownership had not been
accompanied by very effective forms of socialized productions powerful
incentives existed in the way both industry and agriculture were organized for
workers and peasants to transfer much of their productive effort to
non-collective and non-state activities--either to legitimate black market
variety. While some recognition of these problems had begun to emerge in the
Democratic Republic of Vietnam by the end of the war; it was not yet
widespread--the difficulties of managing a war-time economy and the
availability of foreign aid divided attention from them. The program for
transformation of the South thus took the establishment of the same intentions
for granted. However, the reactions of Southerners to the imposition of the “north
model” were a key element in bringing about a fundamental process of reform (Huynh
Kim Khanh, p.140).
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