THE CLUB FOR
VETERAN RESISTANCE WAR FIGHTERS
By Van
Nguyen
In July 1983, having been accredited with
the confidence and support from old and experienced communist leaders in the
South, Nguyen Ho applied for the foundation
or the “Cau Lac Bo Truyen Thong Khang Chien Thanh Pho Ho Chi Minh” (literally, Club
for the Resistance War Fighters by Tradition of Ho Chi Minh City). The creation
of an organization as such is obviously an anomaly in a one-party rule like
Vietnam. Even more, it is in blatant violation of the Party leadership
mechanism, an immutable principle ever 0bserved by the Communist Party. No
other organ than the Party leadership itself is entitled to this supreme
authority. Any creation of a mass organization or group is governed by this
principle and is bound to operate within the orbit of the Party-affiliated
Patriotic Front. Ever since the “August Revolution of 1945,” the two
“independent” political parties, the Democratic Party led by Duong Duc Hien and
the Social Party headed by Nguyen Xien, have been virtually non-existent; they
exist in name only. The application procedures for an “voluntary organization
as is the case of the “Cau Lac Bo Tuyen
Thong Khang Chien,” as a matter of principal, posed a serious problem to the Communist
Party leadership.
On July 21, 1983, Party Secretary Committee of Ho Chi
Minh Ciy Nguyen Van Linh approved of the proposal for the formation of the
organization. It was not until three years later that, by the Decision 60 of
May 15, 1986, Politburo member Le Duc Tho, the Chairman of Party Central
Committee for Organization, instructed the People’s Council of Ho Minh City to
grant permission to form the “association” for the veteran Resistance Fighters
of Ho Chi Minh City conditional on the goal and regulations as specified by the
organization.
The by-laws of the club specify that the
Club is a voluntary organization composed of the citizens who had participated
in the two wars against the French and the Americans. It has its seat at Ho Chi
Minh City. It has its own seal and a current account. It operates under the
direct patronage of the Patriotic Front Committee of Ho Chi Minh City. Included in the club are masses organizations,
revolutionary bases, the citizens in other regions who are on service or in retirement
and those who are on service in the city or are living abroad,
The goal and obligations of the club were
agreed on by the Party Secretary of Ho Chi Minh City Nguyen Van Linh and the
Fatherland Front Committee of the city. Efforts were to mobilize one another to
expand the will and intelligence of the cadres and the masses ‘to take part in
the building and protection of the Socialist Republic Fatherland. They are defined
in two articles: “(i). To make every effort to
assemble and unite the veteran fighters in the resistance wars against the
French and the Americans, to stimulate the tradition of national resistance against foreign invaders, to
bear up the steadfast and unbending will of struggle in face of the enemy of
every kind, to heighten the sense of discipline, the revolutionary virtues, the character of patriotism, the love for
socialism, the brotherhood of the fighters in the same line, to mobilize
and promote mutual assistance, to develop
the intelligence and the capacity of the cadres to devote themselves to
participation in revolutionary movements
and actions to fulfill every duty, every line of principle and policy of the
Party and State, in general, and the City, in particular.”
Members
in the executive board were all veteran long standing Communist cadres: Nguyen
Ho, President, and 11 others. Recognized among key members of the club were veteran
long-standing Communist party members, Huynh Van Tieng, Nguyen Van Binh, Ta Ba
Tong, Nguyen Duc Hung, Thai Doan Lan, Nguyen Thi Tan, Nguyen Thi Hoa, Le Quynh
Van, Nguyen Dang Viet, and Nguyen Dinh Loc. Honorary members included Party
Secretary of Ho Chi Minh City Nguyen Van Linh, Vice-chairman of the Council of
Minister Vo Van Kiet, President of National Assembly Nguyen Huu Tho, and
Vice-chairman of Council of Minister Huynh Tan Phat.
F0llowing the
Sixth Party Congress, the Communist Party and State entered the period of
renovation. The club gradually transformed itself into a social, political
organization, voluntarily committed itself to performing the function of a self-governed association to gather and
unite together veteran resistance fighters, to enhance the intelligence and
capacity of its members to actively contribute to fulfilling revolutionary
tasks, and carrying out the policies of the Party and State as stated in its
by-laws. Programs of actions stressed on
launching attacks on corrupt elements in the bureaucracy and village bullies of
the new type.
Thereupon, the Club Central Permanent Office stepped up its fight for renovation,
stimulating cadres and the masses to devote to the reconstruction of the country.
On March 4, 1988, the Club’s Central Permanent Office decided to form a
Political Advisory Council to carry out these objectives. Going ahead with its
program, the council requested the State to regularize the new machinery of the
club, officially transforming it into the Association of Veteran Resistance
Fighters so that it could operate in agreement with its true role and social
and political standing. While waiting, the executive board itself reviewed the
backgrounds of all members in the advisory council, implementing activities and
holding back prestigious members. To execute its urgent tasks, the council sent
petitions to the Party and State to amend the 1980 Constitution and organize a
congress to discuss openly the nomination of a new chairman to the Ministers
Council in replacement of Chairman Pham Hung who just passed away.
On April 3, Nguyen Ho was elected Chairman
of the Politics Committee. Operations for conferences and meetings were the primary
activities of the association. The
organization was fast growing, activating solidarity among veteran fighters in
the wars for intendance and against imperialism and engaging in friendship relations
and social activities of various associations As many as 20,000 experienced long-standing
resistance fighters had joined in it. It became well known as an organization
of prestige, attracting more than 300 war heroes. A rapid increase of affiliated clubs of
veteran resistance fighters in the provinces in South Vietnam marked a solid growth of the association..
The association’s multi-purpose activities multiplied,
varying according to specific objectives following two subsequent periods. In
the first period (986-1988), they were focused on establishing and developing the
organization, and in second period (1988-1990), on fighting for renovation and
against innate conservatism and corruption. On March 6, 1988, under the
chairmanship of Nguyen Ho, Pham Khai, and General Tran Van Tra, more than 200
members of the association including veteran high-ranking rank and file officials
discussed and protested against the imposition of prevalence of power of the Politburo
over the National Assembly. In its petition of March 6, 1088, following a
general congress of more than a hundred members, the club earnestly asked the
Central Party Committee and National Assembly to set shining examples in accomplishing
democracy openness and transparency in the election of a chairman to the Council
of Ministers, creating a popular movement for democracy and a revival the
spirit of revolution of the Party and the People. On June11, 1988, another petition was sent to
the Central Party Committee requesting it to review the Politburo’s and the
Central Party Secretariat’s conduct of affairs in face of development setbacks
in many areas, the devastating hunger, serious social ills, and contagious
corruption. The petition pointed out serious errors in the conduct of national
affairs of the Politburo and Party Secretariat, issuing important decisions
that contradicted the resolution, both content and form, adopted by the Sixth
Party Congress. The signatories to the petition specifically requested the
Politburo and Party Secretariat to take strict measures against the misconduct
of affairs infringing on the leadership principles of the Party, disregarding
the separation of powers, and thus violating the rule of law and constitutional
law.
By the
beginning of 1989, the association published without permission the review
“Truyen Thong Khang Chien” (Tradition of Struggle against Foreign Invaders). The
paper apparently serves as a catalyst for acceleration the policy-making
process towards renovation, to vitalize, by tradition, the sense of obligation and
patriotic error of the Vietnamese people to engage in the struggle for national
reconstruction. To the distress of the association, all copies of the issue were
forbidden to circulate and were confiscated momentarily. This act of
suppression created a great shock to the members of the association. In its
letter to the Director of the Information and Culture Department of Ho Chi Minh
City on February 20, 1989, Nguyen Ho flatly discussed the matter in defense of
the cause and his views.
The chairman stressed the facts that “ the prohibition
of the publication and circulation of the review “Truyen Thong Khang Chien “ is
a breach of the law; it is in contradiction with the Resolution of the Sixth
Party Congress (Resolution on Renovation), namely, ‘the conclusions on short
term issues following the current thought tasks,’ ‘the urgency to expand more broadly the character of democracy, the
transparency in the conduct of activities in all areas of the Party, the
organizations, the legislative organs, the State organs, the society and un the
press, and politics.. It is in
contradiction with the law prescribed by the Constitution of the Socialist
Republic of Vietnam as well.
Article 67 of
the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam clearly stipulates that ‘the
citizen has the rights to the freedoms of speech, the press, assembly,
formation of association, and organization of demonstration in accordance with
the interests of socialism and the people.’
Saying that the citizen is entitled to the right to
the press, why do we have to apply for permission? Is there still the right to freedom of the
press? Being bound to having permission, the citizen is no longer entitled to
the right to the freedom of the press. The Council of the Patriotic Front of Ho
Chi Minh City, ever since1986, has applied for the permission for the
publication of a newspaper. Until the present
day (February 1989), the application still comes to no response. In the
capacity as a citizen of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, how should we behave,
to protect and materialize the Article 67, honoring the right to the freedom of
the press as provided by the Constitution or to abide by the Decision by the
Minister for Information and Culture, which forbids the publication and
circulation of the review “Truyen Thong Khang Chien”?
