Monday, August 28, 2017

The Oversight




The Communist Party of Vietnam nevertheless kept a severe watch on religious activities, particularly those of the Roman Catholic Church. Observers remarked that during a two-day conference, June 22-23, 1998, the Secretary-general of the Vietnamese Communist Party Le Kha Phieu firmly warned the Catholics of hidden political sabotage of hostile forces. Likewise, the Politburo also drew up a balance sheet of religious activities in Vietnam. The official press, in particular, disclosed some revelations based on the resolution made at the conference. The official daily Nhan Dan, on June 24, 1998, cited the declarations by the secretary-general of the Communist Party at the conference. While heightening the important role of the religion in Vietnam, the secretary-general admonished hostile forces not to use religion to destabilize the country.  He further  stressed that party members must mobilize and direct the believer to heighten vigilance against hostile forces that might use the religion, exploiting it for malicious schemes. He waned the Catholics of the hostile forces’ attempts to derange the bicentennial ceremony of Our Lady of La Vang, denigrating the political regime.


There was nothing new in the attitude of the Party toward the Church. Previously, in May 1998, the  secretary-general had given indication that he had not wished to have a colossal assembly of Catholics at La Vang. He would limit, as much as possible, the participation of the Vietnamese Catholics in the event to celebrate the 200th anniversary of the appearance of Our Lady of La Vang in which about 5 million Vietnamese Catholics would attend. Some observers noted that the Communist Party intentionally chose May 5, the day of the 180th birthday of Karl Marx, “the great ideologist and heroic revolutionary” to announce this measure. To justify, he presented as a pretext that the event would cause serious problems concerning the poor conditions of logistics and  the untenable situation of economy in the region. He gave remarks that  to assure of conditions of safety for thousands of people in such a small place and to secure their transportation and accommodations were not a simple matter. He nevertheless predicted that that the festival of La Vang would be proceeded all right and that all this was a sign of respect of the government for religion. There was no interdiction.


The Law


Strict control on the religion is obvious. During the eleventh session of the National Assembly, April 7, 1997, even Deputy Phan Khac Tu, a Catholic priest and State’s “protégé,” had to express his concern over a legal status for religion, a theme of civil liberties deemed sensitive. His speech, which was published in its entirety in the Catholic review Catholicism and the Nation (No. 1104, May 4, 1997), devoted all the last part to the application of the politics of religious freedom. The priest particularly criticized the gross manner with which certain regional authorities had conducted themselves  in matters of religion.  “The executions of rules and regulations varied depending on the  interpretations by diverse regional services or authorities, and cadres in this specialized domain. Twenty years after the reunification of the  country, no uniformity of application of the rules and regulations has been applied, as far as religious freedom  is concerned.”     

   

      A Legislative Code for Religions


On July 2, 1998, the Politburo issued an important document inspired b from Party Secretary-general Le Kha Phieu initiative,` announcing that "the government might publish a draft of a legal code for the creation of a house of editions for the publication of books of prayers and cultural and religious works." A year later, in a circular fixing the applications of rules and regulations, entitled "01/1999TT/TGCP of June 1999, the authorities in charge commented with remarks the malfunctioning of the house of editions.  It particularly specified that : "Those organizations that have the needs in the matter of printing, of publishing diverse categories of books of prayers, cultural products with religious contents must have their proposals for publication registered with the house of religious editions dependent on direct authorization the Bureau of Religious Affairs of the government." and that "within a period of  thirty days starting from the reception of the application, the director of the house of religious editions must resolve the matter and furnish a written answer."

     

It is difficult to interpret the said decision of the government on the creation of a  house of religious editions as a signal of liberalism this time. Could it be a matter of show of power of the State in the control of the literary and spiritual production of diverse sectors of the civil society? Not only did the decision of the government go against the will of the public and of the wish of the bishops for possessing a house of editions of their own, but it also created an atmosphere of  doubt and uncertainty. Had this decision been realized, it would soon put an end to a state of abuse of authority and finally showed respect for freedom of expression the Catholic Church had ever requested.

   

Uncertainty was still fell as regards the destiny of the review “Hiep Thong” (Holy Communion), the press organ of the Conference of Catholic Bishops of Vietnam. During the annual assembly of the Episcopal Conference, the director of the Bureau of Religious Affairs suggested to the bishops that there was a necessity to set a term for the existence of the bulletin “Hiep Thong,” the official publication organ of the Vietnamese Episcopal Conference and the only press organ of the Catholic Church in Vietnam (EDA 318). However, several days later, one could consult on the internet, at the web-site of the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam, the entirety of contents of the issue number 9 of the bulletin “Hiep Thong” with 300  pages devoted to  religious education for the laity, edited and diffused before the intervention of the Bureau of Religious Affairs. That was the last issue.  No further information on the site Internet had been posted since then, except a communiqué signed by the secretary of the Episcopal Conference, Bishop Barthelemy Nguyen Son Lam.

   

     A Directive on Religion   


The new religious politics of the Communist Party in the 1990’s is reflected in the directive on religion of the Politburo entitled “The Politburo’s Enumeration of the Rights of Believers.” It appeared on the official Vietnam Press Agency’s news release  on July 2, 1998. Another presentation of the text was published by the official daily Nhan Dan  (The People) on July 8, 1998. The approximate English version of the complete text by VHRW is as follows:


   “ I. Situation of Religion and Religious Work


Vietnam has numerous religions and millions of our compatriots adhere to different religious beliefs. Religious belief constitutes a spiritual need for a part of the population. The Party and State favor the application of an unchanged politics of respect for liberty of belief and non-belief of the people.


The policy of renovation of our country has obtained important results in the past ten years. Owing to the new policy, the standings of the material and spiritual life of the believers have reached higher standards. The politics of the Party and State has responded to the legitimate aspirations of the people, and thus consolidated their confidence in the Communist Party and State. The religious politics is welcomed with enthusiasm by our compatriot believers and the clergy. In many aspects, religious activities have been normalized within the frame of the law. In a general manner, the clergy of different religions practice their religious faiths suitably to the conditions of the nation and appropriately with the situation of our country. The believers enjoy greater peace, have confidence in the political lines of the Party and State, carry them out with enthusiasm, contribute to the work of renovation, reinforce the great union of the whole people, and participate in the building of the fatherland.


However, the religious activities of some believers and some members of the clergy in a certain number of places still do not conform to the law. Thus, the organization of certain religious activities, the printing and publication of books, the import and export  of printed materials, the diffusion of books of prayers, the use of land, the construction and restoration of worship places, the excessive exploitation of labor of the population remain unchanged in the domain where the prescriptions of the law are not respected. There are people who use the worship places for superstitious practices. Still, others who do not belong to any clergy organization practice proselytizing in contradiction with the law. There exist cases of predication of religion and use of religious beliefs for personal interests. These evil doings, which are in contradiction with the objectives of religion, incite prejudices, wear out the interests of the nation and the people, and orient the people toward individual interests.


In some places, certain sections of the Party authorities and specialized cadres in the religious domain are not conversant enough with the policies of the Party and State, and thus fail to correctly accomplish their work of orientation and motivation of the spirit of the believers and the clergy. The State itself does not specify its point in the texts of orientation  best suited to the new situations as needed and in time. In the conduct of religious affairs, one finds at the same time the manifestations of both uneasiness and relaxation. The struggle is not led with enough resolution to mete out the erroneous activities by certain people who use religion for the service or activities that are unlawful, harmful, and disadvantageous to the interests of the people.


     II. Principles, Politics of the Party and State with respect to Religion


Since we are now entering the period of industrialization and modernization of the country, a catalyst is to be fomented to step up the forces of the people in the struggle for the prosperity of the population and power for the nation, and justice, and civilization for the society. The Politburo invite all cadres in the central sections of the Party and the local authorities to mobilize our compatriot believers so that they will be able to develop our traditional patriotism, participate with enthusiasm in the work for restoration, accomplish their religious obligations as well as their civic duties to build up and defend the Fatherland, and continue to correctly apply the political lines for religion of the Party and State in conformity with the principles and political guidelines which are  as follows:  


1. Promote the respect for and warranty of the liberty of belief and non-belief of the citizen: All citizens are equal as regards their duties and rights before the law, whether they follow or not a religion and regardless of their religious denominations.


 2.  The intimate union will bind compatriot believers and non-believers  together within in the great union of the people.


3. Every individual and every organization that is engaged in religious activity must observe the Constitution and the law, make it a duty to protect the interests of the Vietnamese Socialist Fatherland and maintain national independence and sovereignty.


4. Religious activities are useful to the country. Practice religious activities in conformity with the legitimate aspirations, and with respect for the law under which they are protected. The cultural and moral values of religions are respected and encouraged.


5. Those who conduct activities under the cover of religious activities, imperil public order, cause harm to national independence, sabotage national union, oppose the State of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, divide the clergy and believers, and obstruct them from performing their civic duties will be tried according to the law. Superstition will be criticized and eliminated.


6. The sections of the Party, the local authorities, the Fatherland Front of Vietnam, and the popular associations, social organizations, and religious organizations are in charge of mobilizing the masses and correctly enforcing the religious politics of the Party and State.


    III. The Tasks in the Domain of Religion


1. The sections of the Party and local authorities at all levels must vouch for the normalcy, honesty, and legality of religious activities. These organisms must permanently take care of the material and spiritual life as well as the elevation of the achievement standard of the people among whom are our compatriot believers of diverse religions. It is necessary to mobilize the clergy and believers of diverse religions to exercise their rights and perform their civil duties and participate positively in the tasks for economic, cultural, and social development, national defense and security, and the building a new life at the base.     


2. The sections of the Party, the local administration, the Fatherland Front of Vietnam, popular associations, and social organizations must positively propagate, diffuse, and explain the religious politics of the Party and State in the population and particularly within the circles of the clergy and the laity of the religion. Religious activities must be oriented according to this politics. We will have to develop our cultural and moral values within the cope of the situation where they are safe and sound. The religious orientations must be carried out in accordance with our national cultural traditions and social life. It is necessary to practice a religion suitably to  national cause and promote concatenation of activities and unite the whole people to the service of building and defending the fatherland.


3. The government will provide complements to this directive the regulations regularizing religious activities. It will prepare a writ on religion that will be presented to the Permanent Committee of National Assembly for promulgation. It will serve the task of administration of the State and create necessary conditions to actuate the legal functioning of religious activities. The government will prescribe concrete regulations and orientations for the activities of the religious congregations and societies for financial appropriation, humanitarian activities, artistic and cultural activities of the religion, the relations between the religion with the foreigners, the use of land, the formation of clergy, and other religious activities in such a manner that they should be duly performed in conformity with the law.  The government will soon publish a project for the creation of a printing house for the publication of books of prayers and cultural works of religion and the publication of a review destined to publicize religious studies and the orientations, and information on  in-service training in this domain.


4. We will intensify the works of propaganda, orientation, and assistance vis-à-vis the clergy and the faithful to elevate vigilance and encourage them to engage in the resistance to and struggle against all attempts to use the religions as  hostile forces to oppose the building and defense of the Fatherland and people.


5. We will have to edify and consolidate the base of the Party in response to the needs required to perform our economic, cultural, and social tasks as well as those in the national defense and the security in the regions and territories inhabited by our compatriots of diverse religions. The cadres and members of the Party, in general, must serve as an  example when stimulating the believers to correctly apply the orientations and political lines of the Party and the laws of the State.


6. It is necessary to reinforce the apparatus that is responsible for all those who work in the religious domain at all levels and in all branches.


7. The Fatherland Front of Vietnam, popular organizations, and social organizations will intensify their efforts beside the faithful and members of the clergy so that they will be able to associate with the whole community in the task for renovation. All these organizations will participate in the campaign entitled “All the people Unite to create a New Life at the Places of Residence.” They will consolidate the organization of the Fatherland Front and the associations operating within it. They will support positive elements and movements of patriotic emulation of our compatriots of diverse religions. They will contribute to the normalization, the development of economic and social sectors and the reinforcement of national security and defense at the local and national levels.”

Wednesday, August 23, 2017

Fr. Thadeus Nguyen Van Ly (continued)









The Resistance

The uncertainty on the fate of Fr. Nguyen Van Ly ever deepened.  The heavy cope of silence swooped down on him since his arrest in the morning of May 17 had not been lifted.  No official information on his fate had been known. The news from his entourage was only fragmentary and often uncertain. His incarceration at the prison of Phu Thua in Hue was little known.  Only fragmentary pieces of news were heard; his hunger strike, his transport to the hospital in Don Mang Ca where authorities tried in vain to feed him, then forcibly had him fed on May 20, and finally brought him back to the prison on May 27.

In fact, the priest had in mind to resist the authorities’ unlawful arrest with firm determination by hunger. In his declaration diffused on the internet during his campaign for religious freedom that started in November 2000, he already announced that if he was arrested, he would go on a hunger strike until death. He said: “I will not eat, I will not drink, I will not speak, I will not write on the order of the police.” According to the news from the Committee for Religious Freedom in Vietnam diffused on May 21, 2001 and confirmed by the organization itself the following day, Fr. Nguyen Van Ly kept his promise. He had complete fasting immediately after the first hours of his incarceration in the prison of Phu Thua in Hue on May 17. Being fainted in his cell, he was brought to be treated in emergency in a hospital in Don Mang Ca located in the interior of the old Imperial City of Hue. This hospital is particularly reserved for the personnel of the police. When the nurses tried to inject by perfusion a serum composed of dextrose and water, the priest resisted feverishly. According to sources, the priest was brought from the hospital back to the prison of Phu Thua where he had been incarcerated, hee still continued his hunger strike, although he might have consented to drink some water.

Fr.’ Nguyen Van Ly was strictly isolated from the outside world. No words about him were heard. On June 1, the sister of the imprisoned priest, Mrs. Nguyen Thi Hieu came to the prison of Phu Thua with a pack of food for her brother. After a long wait, the receipt of the pack of food was done with the signature of her brother on it. She accepted “the favor “with a poignant hear. While waiting, she noticed the moving of a pedicel in the prison quarters. She had doubts that Fr. Nguyen Van Ly was being moved to somewhere else. Her doubts were confirmed later by sources that affirmed that the priest had been transferred to the premises of the police of Hue on Tran Cao Van Street. Still, other sources said that he might have been transported out of the city. A notable of the parish of An Truyen came to the police office to receive the properties belonging to the priest that had been confiscated the day of his arrest. However, the sum of 2,000 dollars taken off by the policemen on May 17 was not recuperated. This sum of money was destined to buy an electric generator for the parish. No mention about the priest was made, and explanation about the money was not given. Intimidation followed. The police continued to conduct interrogations of numerous parishioners of the Christendom of Nguyet Bieu and the parish of An Truyen. They all suffered maltreatment. One of these victims was a youth of 19 years old, Hoang Trong Dung, the most competent assistant to Fr. Nguyen Van Ly. The authorities kept silent on the fate of Fr. Nguyen Van Ly while inflicting reprisals of fear on his parishioners as well as certain members of his family persisted.



Later on, the police arrested three of the nephews and nieces of Fr. Nguyen Van Ly. On June 19, one of his nieces, Nguyen Thi Hoa, the mother of the family and an extremely poor widower, was interrogated for having kept in her house the documents belonging Fr. Nguyen Van Ly. The following day, his nephew, Nguyen Van Cung, was arrested in secret. The same day, another nephew, Nguyen Van Dung, was summoned to the police and never returned home, and members of his family had not known his whereabouts the days that followed. 


The Trials

On October 19, 2001, Fr. Nguyen Van Ly was brought to stand trial before the court of justice in Hue. He was sentenced to 15 years in prison for two crimes, to sabotage national unity and to oppose the decision of house arrest of the regime. The trial lasted two hours and conducted without a defense lawyer. The priest was then incarcerated at Phu Thua prison in Hue. On July 16, 2003, the sentence was commuted to 10 years in prison, probably due to international pressure. The niece and two nephews of the priest, who were arrested and incarcerated in June 2001 for having received money and anti-government materials from foreign countries to distort  the state p's religious policy. However, it was not until May 2003 that they were brought to stand trial before the justice court. Nguyen Thi Hoa, 44, Nguyen Vu Viet, 27, and Nguyen Truc Cuong, 36 were given 3 to 5 years in prison on charges of abuse of freedom and  creation of social disorder.   

On June 16, 2004, Hanoi, again, commuted Fr. Nguyen Van Ly’s prison term to 5 years in prison and 5 years under house surveillance. The decision of June 12 specified the reason for the commutation. The priest had proven good spirit in reeducation and obeyed the rules and regulations of the prison. This was the second time his sentence term was commuted. The first time, in July, 2003, his prison term had been commuted from 15 years in prison to 10 years in prison and 5 years under house surveillance. On the Lunar New Year’s Day of at Dau (February 2, 2005), together with 8,200 prisoners, Fr. Nguyen Van Ly was granted amnesty. Other political prisoners were rendered freedom: They were Nguyen Dan Que, the Venerable Thich Thiem Minh of the Vietnam Unified Buddhist Church, Truong Van Duc of Hoa Hao Buddhism, and Nguyen Dinh Huy.

Fulfillment of Commitments

After his release from prison, Fr. Nguyen Van Ly continued to carry on his struggle for religious freedom. In November 2005, together with three other Catholic priests, Fr. Chan Tin, Fr. Nguyen Huu Giai, and Fr. Phan Van Loi he disseminated an open letter to express compassion and sympathy with other religious faiths-- mostly, the Vietnam Unified Buddhist Church, Hoa Hao Buddhism, and the Evangelical Christian Churches as regards the persecution they ever suffer under the totalitarian regime. According to him, the situation of religions in Vietnam is increasingly complex as the communist state maintains not a two-sponged policy but a multi-faced one.  With  the two-faced main policy, it carries out persecution against and sows division among the independent Churches in the isolate and distant regions, They meet with insurmountable difficulties in the propagation of faith and   performances of religious services and activities. The Churches that operate openly in big cities were bound by vile rules and regulations.  Many foreign reporters still have superficial knowledge about the situation of religion in Vietnam. Advocates and fighters for rights should do more to bring into light repressive measures and atrocious persecution committed by the totalitarian regime.     

 April 2006, Fr. Nguyen Van Ly, together with a number of rights activists, established the Bloc 8406, advocating freedom, democracy, and human rights for Vietnam and published an online journal called Free Speech. In September of the same year he helped establish the Vietnam Progressive Party. In February 2007, the police of Thua Thien - Hue raided the offices of Hue Archdiocese and arrested the priest. A member of the Bloc 8406, Fr. Nguyen Van Ly was sentenced to 8 years in prison on charge of trying to campaigning for a boycott of the upcoming general elections. During the trial, he was silenced by a police officer who stopped his mouth with his hand, which act became a true picture of absence of free expression in Vietnam. On November 17, 2009, he suffered a stroke and was transferred from prison to a police hospital for medical treatment. On March 15, 2010, he was freed on "temporary suspension."  On July 25, 2011, the authorities arrested the ailing priest and brought him back to prison to complete the sentence that had been suspended due to poor health. Fr. Nguyen Van Ly was released from prison ahead of his prison term a few days before President Obama’s visit to Vietnam in May 2016. Authorities told him that this is an expression of favor of the State, but the prisoner of conscience believed that this is “a gift” the Communist state presented to the President the United States. Rights advocates conceded that external pressure could have some impact, but there was little hope for change. Hanoi might compromise on matters of economy but not on political issues.

The archbishop selected by Pope Francis as the new cardinal of Vietnam 's Roman Catholic Church Nguyen Van Nhon, on May 1, 2015, said that the Catholic Church "still has a lot to do" for its 6 million followers The Communist administration claims to respect religious freedom, but religious activities remain under State control. They vary, depending on the locality and times. Some issues may arise in certain times, and may not at others. There may be problems in one place and not in others, though.

Wednesday, August 9, 2017

Fr. Thadeus Nguyen Van Ly (continued)







A Hidden Scheme



 Fr. Nguyen Van Ly knew quite well the intention of the civil power, especially after the official visit to An Truyen of the general vicar of the archdiocese of Hue, the Reverend Nguyen Duc Ve, on April 17, 2001. He received a gift from the archbishop and he was told that the authorities made efforts in vain to put  pressure on the archbishop to discharge him from religious services at An Truyen. Fr .Nguyen Van Ly ever serves dutifully his functions as priest and is never in infraction with the laws of the Church. A fighter for faith and rights, Fr. Nguyen Van Ly, again, sent to the U.S. Congress Internationsl Commssion of Human Rights a letter denouncing the civil authorities as a result of its interference in the internal affairs of the Church. New repressive measures were taken against the priest. This intention of the civil power as regards Fr. Nguyen Van Ly was self-evident. In the minutes No. 18, the priest, specifically recalled the answer from the archbishop, saying: “The canon-law and the law is the law! If you  find that Fr. Nguyen Van Ly is in infraction with the law, judge him! For my part, I cannot interdict Fr. Nguyen Van Ly from accomplishing his pastoral ministry, save in the case, in his predication, whether or not he would oppose the doctrine of the (Catholic) faith or  morals.” 

The resolution of the archbishop might have deeply irritated the officials of the security police who came to see him as regrds this matter. This interdiction was probably linked to latest developments of the campaign for religious freedom led by the priest. The first report sent to US Congress Committee of Human Rights in February 2001 had already unleashed the feverish anger of the regime which, after having condemned the priest to surveillance in residence., had poured out on him calumnies and charges by the intermediary of the official press. Also, new report entitled “Testimony No.2 of a Prisoner of Conscience, the Catholic Priest Nguyen Van Ly”  was sent to  of U.S. Congress Committee of Human Rights at the request of its president Zoe Lofgren.That report must necessarily be publicly read on May 16. In this text of five pages, the pastor of An Truyen conducts an inquiry into a recapitulation of the control and oppression by the local power in diverse instances of the Catholic Church. He evoked an episcopal conference being watched over in each activity, a Church  under control by the regime, from the formation of priests to the nomination of individual  priest in a parish, various convents being unable to recruit members, Christians being considered as of second zone, parishes being bullied in their will to restore their churches, a Church being stripped off its religious, social, educational, charitable, sanitary establishments that have been confiscated for 25 years and have never been returned, and the people being deprived off all means of expression. In addition, the priest accuses the civil power of having introduced hypocrisy in all domains of the public life where from now on no one could express himself honestly.

In the afternoon of May 10, 2001, a group of 10 cadres headed by the president of the People's Council of the commune of Phu An penetrated the parish of An Truyen. The group handed to the priest a copy of the decicion No. 196, signed by the provincial People's Council, interdicting the priest to perform religious functions in An Truyen and the territory of the province Thua Thien-Hue during the whole period he was under residence surveillance. Fr. Nguyen Van Ly refused to comply with the order. He considered this an act of abuse of power. Furthermore the reading of the decision was indistinct. About 200 parishioners, who hastened up around their pastor after the penetration of the cadres into the parish, protested with chants of canticles.  Later, at the hour of  daily Mass,  police tried to hinder Fr. Nguyen Van Ly from coming to the church. The priest, accompanied by the parishioners, reached the worship place easily. Prior to the celebration, in the presence of many policemen who sat at the end of the church, he read a report on the event and denounced the authorities’ abuse of power.

He continued to  perform religious services regardless of  the intervention of the police authorities which, on May 15, had come to read the minutes of the local authorities, accusing the pastor of An Truyen of not obeying their order. After the Mass, in the presence of many policemen sitting in front of the church, he read the minutes on the authorities’ instances of intimidation prepared by himself. He denounced the violation of religious freedom  by the civil authorities.

The Arrest

Sources said that the arrest of Fr. Nguyen Van Ly took place in the parish of An Truyn in the morning of May 17 amid a police raid. A police force of 600 agents penetrated the parish when Fr. Nguyen Van Ly was coming to the first floor of the parish office. The police rushed in the parish, neutralized the group of young men who mounted the guard and handcuffed Fr. Nguyen Van Ly, having tried in van to force him to sign their  order. They dispersed the group that resisted with eletric rods. They  shoved the pastor of An Truyen into one of their trucks and operated a search-though in and around the church. They confiscated a number of portable telephones, numerous documents, and a cosiderable sum of money

 The account of facts was revealed the same day thanks to an interview by telephone accorded by Fr. Phan Van Loi, a priest who serves in the same archdiocese and a close friend of Fr. Nguyen Van Ly. The news was aired on the channel of radio, The Voice of my Country.  After 4 and a half hours of operation in the morning, a police force of 600 agents successfully inverted the parish.  Contrary to a first version of the incident transmitted by telephone in the Occident, the arrest took place in the presbytery, and not at the church where the parishioners recited the morning prayers before the Masses. At 5 o’clock, when Fr. Nguyen Van Ly came down from the second floor the police penetrated the church and neutralized a group of young men who tried to raise a line of guard against it and handcuffed  Fr. Nguyen Van Ly, having tried in vain to force him to sign the minutes wth citation of unfounded charges against him. Knowing that they arrested their pastor, the parishioners who were praying in the church tried to come to help. Nevertheless, the police forces easily dispersed them, beating them with electric rods, even though they were only old men and children. After having shoved the pastor of An Truyen into one of the buses that had transported the policemen to the parish. A group of policem then came in and operated a search-through and confiscated four portable telephones, numerous documents, and a considerable amount of money.

The following day, May 18, the United States Embassy in Vietnam officially intervened beside the Hanoi administration. The U.S. Ambassador to Vietnam and other personalities expressed  deep concerns over the arrest of the pastor of An Truyen and demanded the release of the priest. The clergy in Hue published a declaration to express unity and support for the pastor and requested the civil administration to act properly in accordance with justice and the law, to render the land and properties of  the Archdiocese of Hue. The declarations, as usual, came to no answer.

Saturday, July 22, 2017

Fr. Nguyen Van Ly (continued)





Repressive Measures

   Fbe Press Campaign

Beginning on March 3, 2001, a press campaign was launched against the priest. The official daily Ha Noi Moi (Hanoi Today),  published the first article on the incident. It opened attacks on Fr. Nguyen Van Ly, concentrating mainly on the report the priest sent to the Internationl Commission of Religious Freedom. That was the report in which, according to the author of the article, the priest denigrated the Communist Party and the leader Ho Chi Minh, who was portrayed  as  a “war criminal.” The priest even went so far as to urge on the United States to help the people  overthrow the regime. The priest thus committed the serious crime as prescribed by Article 13 of the Constitution defining the punishment against those who conducts “activities and plots (of sabotage) against the independence, suzerainty, reunification and integrity of Vietnam.” The following day, February 4, 2001, the  Quan Doi Nhan Dan, a journal of the army, took the relay, furiously poured charges on the priest in an article entitled “The Traitor of the People Is Demasked.”  Among other accusations, the journal stressed the magnitude of the crime. “The priest deserves heavy punishment, but the regime has showed clemency for humanitarian purpose. The authorities only decided to take an administrative measure to reeducate the priest and adjust  him to the civil and religious laws.” Then, in the days that followed, all the big headings on the subjet along with meticulous articles appeared in the official press. For two consecutive days February 7-8, the journal  Lao Dong of the Union of Workers, charged the priest with undesirable crimes.  In March 2001, the official daily Nhan Dan, in a series of articles  entitled “Under the Cover of Religion, an Evil Acti” elaborated  the priest’ s acts of confrontation with the State, accusing him of committing crimes of treason against the nation. It nevertheless committed grave mistakes, not only giving an eclesiastic curriculum vitea of  the priest with gross errors of clumsiess but also a wrong account of the days Fr. Nguyen Van Ly was in prison, and a tabulation of unfounded subversive activities. On March 9, 2001, in a maneuver, it collected unfavorable opinions of the so-called  Catholic adepts “indignant of the conduct of Nguyen Van Ly.

 The outpouring of accusations of the official press against the promotor of the campaign for religious freedom raised doubts as to whether the authorities intended to impose stricter measures on the dissident priest. Why did the authorities impose a house surveillance sentence on the priest on February 27, 2001.  Second, the accusations  by the officical press were vague as they failed to qualify Fr. Nguyen Van Ly‘s confrontation as crimes. Still, they could not produce evidenc but plain accusations, showing the authorities’ abuse of power, making false accusations and groundless fabrications. In addition, the prescriptions for this crime are even bias and unclear. The definitions  for  crimes of treason against the fatherland by the Penal Code, in fact, were subject to revision in Decamber 1999. pecifically, Article 78, concerning the defiinitions of the penalty, the terms in prison, the perpetuity of life imprisonment, and the condemnation to death .

The tone of the campaign became increasingly critical as Fr. Nguyen Van Ly received strong support from rights international organizations and government agencies. The priest was accused of undermining the ratification the Trade Agreements between Vietnam and the United States. On March 13, 2001, in a communication to the international press, authorities publicly made allusion to the “subversive” appeals by Fr’ Nguyen Van Ly and the campaign for religious freedom conducted by Fr. Nguyen Van Ly and the priests of the archdiocese of Hued, They condemmed these activities as concerted acts of sabotage. In he weekly press conference, the spokewoman of the Foreign Affairs Ministry Nguyen Phuong Nga responded with firmness to the critics in the article of the Asian Wall Street Journal, published on February 9, 2001, saying that religious repression would certainly jeopardize the ratification of the trade accords between Vietnam. She nevertheless affirmed that the bilateral trade accord, which is an effort to join the interests of the two countries, would not be affected by the people who deliberately sabotage the relations between the two countries. She also added that the government of Vietnam “neither restricts nor repress religious activities and the liberty of faith in a religion and that those who abuse the rights and utilize religion to cause social disorder and undermine national unity will be severely punished.” Again, the accusation was unfounded. The measures taken against Fr. Nguyen Van Ly had nothing to do with religious repression. As regards the government policy, the spokewoman said that the Vietnamese Communist official information agency already specified that “the priest commits acts of violation against the laws of Vietnam. Large layers of the population among which are religion practioners express their indignation over and criticize those acts that go against the interests of the country.” The trade accords between Vietnam and the United States, in reality, was signed in June 2000 after years of negotiation. The ratification of the accords was subject to deliberation at the U.S. Congress following reports on measures of relegation taken against Fr. Nguyen Van Ly. The analysis of the crime attributed to the priest weighed in by the Foreign Ministry spokewoman certainly accentuated the seriousness of the confrontation of the priest with the State.

The press campaign accelerated. Fr. Nguyen Van Ly was repeatedly accused of crimes of sabotage, having undrmined the nationial interests by sending  to the  International Commission on Religious Freedom of the U.S. Congress a report denouncing the situation of the religions in his country. Although the text was not officially read in the meeting of the Commission that took place on February 13, 2001, an Englih translation had been laid into the hands of the participants. Among other things, the report  recommends the commission not to accord support to the Vietnamese communists, an act that, according to the priest, would only “prolong religious repression and reinforce totolitarian dictatorship.”

The campaign for religious freedom of Fr. Nguyen Van Ly received support from the international press. To mete out influence, the official Press launched a campaign of crimes relevations against the priest, who had been, in reality, assigned to residence surveillance since November 2000. The authorities had stripped off him all means of communication, the at Nguyet Bieu and at An Truyen as well. The campaign continued with hissing tone. On March 26, 2001, the journals of the police and the People’s Army attacked him with all violence. The daily of the military, Quan Doi Nhan Dan, aiming without doubt to give a blow at certain leaders of the Vietnamese Communist Party judged to be much indulgent to the pastor of An Truyen, raised the question: “Why Didn’t We Rapidly Taken Measure to Force Nguyen Van Ly to Put an End to His Religious Propaganda Immediately?”  The journal continued, ascertaining that the measure taken against him on February 27, 2001, two years of assignment to residence, had  only little effect on him since he “continues to desperately devote himself to his activites, sabotaging, provoking, and defying the power.” The article also called into question, for the first time publicly, the attitude of  the ecclesiastic superiors and was indignant with the priest in that whether or not he would be suspended from his functions in the Catholuc Church. Certain observers saw in this diatribe the prelude of an arrest and condemnation. Others saw in it the sign of hesitation of the Vietnamese Communist Party, embarassed by the critical situation created by the campaign for religious freedom animated by Fr. Nguyen Van Ly, diffused on the netwok of internet, supported by the Vietnamese diaspora, and increasingly leant on for propaganda by the clergy in Hue .

The Quan Doi Nhan Dan, then, had reason on one point: the strict control to which the pastor of Antruyen was subjected and the deluge of accusations that befell him had not prevented the priest neither from comtinuing his activities nor reviewing the literary mode of expression he adopted from the beginning. Since November 2000, he had expressed his protest with appeals for religious freedom, denouncing the infringes of the authorities on the freedom of cult and demanding the dissolution of the Vietnamese Communist Party and the holding of general elections. The official press could not dissimulate furor when Fr. Nguyen Van Ly, in a letter sent to the priests of Hue who were in retreat for Lent, March 13-16, 2001,  presented the alarming the situation. He even came up with a new process of claims. Reversing the role, it was from him and not the authorities to draw up reports. In the “Report No. 1 entitled “Serious Violation of Human Rights” handwritten by the priest on March 20, 2001, reproduced on scanner and diffused throughout the world on the internet, he informied of the world the suffocationg suppression under which he was suffering. The system of sonorization of the commune An Tuyen was unsustainable. Everyday since February 27, 2001, at about 5 o’clock in the morning, 17 o’clock in the afternoon, diffused by loud-speakers 5 speeches  accusing the priest  of m of ungrounded charges. Still, inumerable articles and radio and television emissions of the same natured were repeatedly blared out.
 
However they had already assigned Fr. Nguyen Van Ly to residence surveillance, the authorities multiplied their acts of repression in the christendom of Nguyet Bieu where the priest still  had strong support. After the first  raid the police tore off the bannes on which were inscribed slogans of  protest by  Fr. Nguyen Van Ly, a troop of 500 agents, police and workers, on March 14, 2001, without a notice came to concrete a trench of irrigation running through the ground of the Church and the ricefields in the presence of the parishioners who supported Fr. Nguyen Van Ly in his fight for faith and rights. The non-violence opposition by the parishisioners came to no result in face of a police force that instantly disbanded the protest.  Sixteen priests of the archdiocese of Hue, who were in retreat during the Lent celebration at Hue, wrote and signed a letter of protest against the dealings of the police and expressed their support for Fr. Nguyen Van Ly and the parishioners. The call was echoed widely. At An Truyen, police  multipled raids. They took place at night and seemed to sow terror in the mind of the parishers and the pastor.

Reactions from Overseas Rights Organizations

 On February 13, 2001, personalities of the Vietnamese diaspora came to testify the situation of religions in Vietnam before the International Commission on Religious Freedom  of the U.S. Congress, creating a strong effervercence in many milieus  of Vietnamese immigrants abroad as well as contestant circles in the country. Anong the participants who came to testify on the situation  of religion in Vietnam was Fr. Tran Cong Nghi, director of the press agency Vietcatholic News Network. The long report he read before the commission presents a tabulation of constraints that weigh on the exercise of religious freedom in Vietnam. In particular, he stressed, the various limitations, imposed on the exercise of cult, the formation of priests, abuses of power the exercise of the authorities, and the State’s unlawful confiscations of properties of the Churches. Vo Van Ai, director of the International Buddhist Bureau of Information whose siege is in Paris, wished that the question of human rights and democracy be raised in the negotiations that were taking place between the United States and Communist Vietnam. According to him, the advantages that Vietnam would benefit from the future accords with the United States must be taken into consideration  and be materialized with reforms accomplished in the domain of religious freedom and human rights. Having not obtained the necessary permission from the State, certain personalities in the countrycould not respond to the invitations. Among them were the Venerable Thich Thai Hoa of Hue and Fr. Nguyen Van Ly.

The press organ of the Vietnamese Communist Party Nhan Dan (The People)  put itself right with the Party, accusing the United States of making the most of religion to grossly meddle in the internal affairs.” The jounal contended that  “the off-the-point critics”  launched by “hostile forces” had  only the objective “to calumniate and denigrate the shining image of Vietnam.” According to the journal, “eloquent proofs belie the allegations of those who have the habit to calumniate Vietnam by accusing it  of repressing the religions.” Then, it affirmed: “In Vietnam, no one is arrested for reasons of religion and faith. The situation of certain  religious adepts is due to their violations of the law and those people must evidently judged according to the Vietnamese law.” In conclusion, one could also read: “It is clear that those who give themselves the right to judge the religious situation of Vietnam have intentionally closed their eyes before reality and fail to understand the trend towards improving the relations of Vietnam with the countries of the international community one of which is the United States.”The Foreign Affairs spokewoman finally doubled  attack against the Commission of the Religious Freedom, affirming that by giving themselves the right to judge the religious situation of another country, the commission committed gross interference in the internal affairs of another country, and thus is in contradiction with the Charter of the United Nations.