Tuesday, January 10, 2017

Doubtful Openness and Rigged Normalization






The Communist administration conferred the legal title to the Christian Evangelical Churches of Vietnam in the North  in 1958 and the Evangelical Church of Vietnam in the South in April 2001. This legal recognition is  in eyes of most Evangelicals the shackle obligation that immerses the  Churches in the State control. Growing cornern about the nature of the newly-instituted constitution was such that, on December 28, 2001, the Central Committee had to convene its members for further discussion. Disagreements surged. The committee decided to suspend its activities without explanation, To flatten out difficulty, the Bureau of Religious Affairs convened a general convention to find solution. However, the authorities appeared to be at a loss, having failed to solve this “Christian problem." It would be a shame if they could not find a solution. After Caodaism, Hoa Hao Buddhism, and the Unified Buddhist Church, the Christian Evangelical Church was the last but not least religious organization to be normalized. If they failed, State plans of pacification in the religious domain would be again put at risk. Growing demands for religious freedom had been on the rise since the early years of the 1980's when the State attempted to found a "domestic Catholic Church." 

Worse still, the authorities had not even grasped the reality. Cooperation with the authorities had come loose. They did not even figure out which and how many delegates would willingly participate in the convention. With regard to the Church, it was believed that no matter how a problem happened to occur, pastors and the Evangelical communities and local church congregations would ever cooperate with vigilance and in unity. To mete out possible opposition, the authorities projeted plans and methods of actions to prevent this from happening. Already, America Freedom House, in 2000, had published an English version of 50 pages of eight secret documents of the Vietnamese government instructing cadres and officials how to execute plans, strategies, and methods to deal with Evangelical Christianity.
    
Acting in line with legal recognition granted on it, the Church, in fact, formally requested the State authorization to facilitate such Church services as to  open seminary for the formation of pastors. On January 3, 2002, the Christian Evangelical Churches of South Vietnam received a letter of approval to open a class of seminarians. There was no surprise. Before 1975, there had been about 120,000 members and more than a hundred students receiving religious education at the seminary of Nha Trang, some dozens of students, at the School of Theology in Saigon, and hundreds of  students of the ethnic minorities, at the theological schools  in  Ban Me Thuot and Da Lat.  Even though, the number of graduates was insufficient as compared to the needs of the Church at that time. For twenty-seven years following the change of political regime, all seminaries had been closed, and the Church had not been accorded authorization to conduct programs of formation of seminarians. Many ministers of the Church ordained before 1975 had already passed away. As a result, the Church faced a severe shortage of  pastors and ministers. The administration came up with no solution but repression.

The Persecution

     The Growth of Domestic Churches

The State showed indifference. It never ceased to stop the growth of the Church. There were then 200 domestic groups of some thirty Evangelical Christian organizations. All of them were considered "illegal."  Because of this, they were targeted with violence, oppression, and repression. Their leaders and members were often accused of performing “illegal religious activities,” condemned to a fine, detained or arrested under a coup of an administrative measure. Instances of persecution happened any time. Many of these organizations of domestic Churches (Pentecost, Baptist, Mennonite, and other denominations) had functioned as religious institutions before the Communist takeover of power  in South Vietnam in April 1975.

    Anti-Christian Campaigns -- Conversion to Animism

Anti-Christian campaigns are methodical. Raids with stric measures aimed at the H'mong and Montagnards in northwestern provinces in the North specifically included obligatory seminaries to study anti-Christian propaganda and often followed by a performance of rites. The participants were subdued to obligation of drinking of a repugnant mixture of animal blood and rice wine. This attested they publicly professed their reconversion to traditional belief--animism. Similar campaigns followed, affecting a search-through operation, to inspect house after house to find bibles and other religious publications. Operations ever increased as the propagation of the faith progressed among tribal minorities in the mountainous regions. Many H'mong were initiated to the reading of Bible and other books of the Christian doctrine. The H’mong language was alphabetized, facilitating the performance of faith. The faster the congregation grew, the fiercer the repression woud become, and the more acute sufferance the congregation would  face.

In the first days under repression, the believers began to use the new scripts to write requests to the highest authorities denouncing the odious treatment that the local authorities inflicted on them. A number of complaints reached the Occident. Most of them were sent to competent authorities but came to no response. In some cases, their complaints cost the authors high price. That is the case of the family of Mua Bua Senh, cited by the Freedom House in October 2002. In May 2001 and June 2002, that family sent seven letters to the authorities to denounce the ill-treatment inflicted on a relative of the family. The victim refused to renounce his faith. As a consequence,  he died of the wounds he had suffered on August 7, 2002, having been brought from one hospital to another.
     
  Repression in the Northwestern Provinces

      Lao Kay

The unexpectedly rapid growth of Evangelical Christianity among the H'mong people in Lao Kay became a "serious problem" to the local authorities. Instructions to the officials and cadres included such recommendations as "to stop Christianity," "strong administrative measures" and "control religious leaders." Repression against H'mong Christians was such a tragedy that, beginning in 1997, it pushed these believers to evade their ancestral lands in the North. Some 15,000 H'mong left their homes in the Northwest provinces to go and seek refuge 300 km away in the Central Highlands. A large number of these H’mong abandoned their properties. Others could only sell them at lowest prices. But, anxiety never missed afterwards. During 1997-1998, Hoang Chung, an official of Muong Khuong District relentlessly sought to eradicate the faith from the district. During Christmas 1999, the Christians in the province of Lao Kay were even unaware of tragedy was to befall them, The local authorities forbade most Christian communities of H’mong to celebrate religious ceremonies. Facing threats, many adepts in the region had to go into the forest to hide; others in the more quiet provinces even had to migrate to the highlands in the South. The composition of the executive board elected by the General Assembly of the Evangelical Christian Churches had given evidences of this will of independence  from  the delegates from these H’mong communities.
     
      Viet Tri

In Viet Tri, during a peaceful assemby of worship of the domestic Church in the afternoon of Sunday, October 10, 1999, a dispute erupted when  the house-owner, Nguyen Thi Thuy, asked the police by what rule they walked her around her house. The agents of police refused to leave the house on demand but made her a fool, instead. Nguyen Thi Thuy then shut the door . The police was up, calling in  armed reinforcements.  They broke into the house Nguyen Thi Thuy was pushed onto the ground and shoved into a police vehicle. Fourteen folloers were arrested on charge of opposition against the officials of the law. They were released the same day. Nguyen Thi Thuy was detained until December 27, 1999,  the date on which she was brought to stand trial before the People’ Court. She was condemned to 12 months in prison for “having obstructed a civil servant on duty." Awhile, the police forbade family visits, specifying that the inmate was more dangerous than a murderer. Nguyen Thi Thuy was forced to avow that “she was imprisoned not because of religious worship practice but for having violated the civil law."
   
    Dien Bien

    Imprisonment 

The following is part of a list of H’mong Christians whose detention was confirmed in January 2000. They were detained  in various prisons in the northwestern provinces:

Song Phat Dia, deatained in the Dien Bien Phu prison;
Vu Giao Thao, Vang Gia Chua, Sung Vu Tung, and Sung Seo Chinh., detained at C-10 in Lao Dung Xa, Dien Phu :

Phan A Dong.In Sinh Phay Pao, Vu Sung Giay, and Vang Sua Giang, detained in the; prison of Ha Giang.

There were reportedly other prisoners detained in the various prisons in the  province of Lao Kay. Their families were informed that they would be released if they renounced their faith.

Repression against the H'mong Christians continued without respite. The "internal policy" with police raid prevailed. In mid-January 2002, reports from three independent sources saying that during December 28-29, 2002, religious services in the districts of Dien Bien Dong and Muong Lai, in the province of Lai Chau were interrupted by the police that pulverized a kind of injurious gas. The victims of the raid were quickly guarded in hostage by four security police agents who persuaded them to sign a report in which they confessed they had committed acts of aggression against the security force. Meanwhile, a woman poisoned by the gas gave birth her baby untimely. Curiously enough, this report, which was signed by the aggressors against security officials and which was delivered to the Ministry of Public Security in Hanoi not by the police but by the victims themselves.            

     The Muong Nhe Incident

On May 7, 2011  when the anniversary of Vietnam’s victory over the French Expeditionary Corps at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 was due to take place, at Muong Nhe District, Dien Bien Province, thousands of ethnic minority H’mong staged a mass protest calling for land reform and religious freedom. Military forces were sent in to crack down on the protesters. The professional security forces PA 43 were sent to the place. The authorities even deployed special military units and armed helicopters to crash the protesters. Twenty-eight protesters were killed and hundreds of them were missing. Local authorities detained several others and opened an investigation. A People’s Council official declared that the H’mong were calling for a self-administrative state and that the hostile forces living abroad were the masterminds. Le Thanh Dao, a senior province official maintained that the H’mong had done evil things since early May, gathering, and camping in unsanitary conditions to pave the way for the incident. They circulated news about a “supernatural being ” would come to  save and lead them to the “promised land.” The demonstrators were also accused of taking of the anniversary victory of Dien Bien Phu to sabotage security. Some people were arrested on charge of campaigning for the establishment of a self-administrative zone for the H'mong peope. The protest was the worst instance of unrest since the demonstrations in the Central Highlands in 2001 and 2004.  Phi Trong Lap, a local official admitted that demonstrations of this kind were not unusual. They were related to land issues. Authorities were accused of unlawfully dispossessing land from the people but were not disciplined.

Competent authorities were asked to conduct a full investigation into the unrest. Human  Rights Watch requested diplomats and international observers be given access to Muong Nhe. Foreign Ministry spoke person Nguyen Phuong Nga declared that "some extremists" had tricked from other areas to gather in Muong Nhe to cause trouble, establishing "a H'mong Kingdom" and that some overactive elements were detained for investigation, and they would be dealt with in accordance with the law.

On March 13, 2012, only one day after a U. N. agency dismissed a report by the government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam that claimied the authorities practiced no racial discrimination in the country. Contrarily, the People’s Court of Dien Bien Phu condemned eight ethnic H’mong to prison sentences of two years to 30 months followed by two years of administrative detention. The group were accused of “having partaken a separatist movement” following their involvement in a masses gathering of thousands of H’mong on May 7, 2011.

Again, on March 15, 2012, the People’s Court of Dien Bien Phu sentenced 8 H’mong  from two years to two years and a half in prison followed by two years under administrative detention on charge of causing national security disorder, in reference to Article 9 of the Criminal Code. The punishment appeared an act of admonishment on a million H’mong in the mountainous provinces in the highlands, Dien Bien, Ha Giang, Son La, Lai Chau, Yen Bay, Cao Bang, Lao Kay, Tuyen Quang, Thanh Hoa, Dak Lak, Dak Nong, and so on.         

     Bac Kan

On July 30, 2014, the Poeple's Court of Nghi Son District, Bac Kan, sentenced three H'mong, Duong Van Thanh, Hoang Van Su, and Hoang Van Sinh, to prison terms of 24 months, 18, and 15 months, respectively on charges of 'taking advantage of rights to freedom and  democracy to  break the State's law, in reference of Article 288 of the Penal Code. H'mong followers from various localities in the province were barred from coming near the Court building to claim innocence for the convicts, who were simply the follwers of a new cult and who determinedly renounced the old corrupt worship practices--the "worship of ghosts." These believers also claimed the accused had done nothing wrong, and the authorities could not even produce a proof of wrongding. As usual, they met with repression. The authorities arrested and imprisoned ardent believers and destroyed funeral homes built for sane burial services.      
`
    Quang Ninh  

Without a worship place, tChristians at Quang Ninh assembled for prayers in the private residence of Tran Van Thuong, Regular assembly took place every Saturday night. On July 3, 2006, when the assembly for prayers proceeded as usual, Tran Van Thuong was convoked to the office of the People’s Council of Cao Sinh Ward, Ha Long Township, He was informed that such an assembly was illegal and that if he continued to do so, the authorities would take measure. Tran nevertheless declared that the Christians would continue to assemble no matter what measure the civil authority would take. The General Congregation of Christians in the North to which they belong was officially recognized by the State. The application for authorization to form a congregation at Ha Long had been sent to the civil authorities. The difficulty in question had not been solved due to State administrative complications from the civil authorities, The matter came to no answer, and any assmnbly for prayers was definitely forbidden.  

    Tuyen Quang

    Harassment

Doan Van Minh, an ethic H’mong Christian leader in Tuyen Quang Province, was denied medical treatment at the hospital for his religious cause. The denial by the authorities was linked to his reformed religious practices of burial rites and rituals. Traditionally, the son of the deceased had to offer a water buffalo to ghosts and then is allowed to celebrate funeral rites and rituals, usually for three to nine days. before the burial. Many families can’t afford to do this, and follow Doan Van Minh to quit the traditional “ghost worship.” The authorities showed keen sensitivity to the new practice. In 1989, when Doan and his fellow Christians first talked about the reform, they were trailed and even arrested by the police.  

Ever since 2008, the authorities had forced H’mong Christians to go back to traditional tribal burial practices. They destroyed funeral houses in which the communers performed new funeral services. Local authorities in the Northwestern province--Cao Bang, Bac Kan, Thai Nguyen, and Tuyen Quang-- launched “campaigns of pacification to force H’mong Christians to demolish their burial homes. In 2012, eight H’mong Christians, who are Doan Van Minh’s followers, were arrested. In June 2013, the police of Tuyen Quang came to interrogate Doan Van Minh when he was in his sickbed for kidney treatment in a hospital in Hanoi. From September 2013 to January 2014, he was detained after returning from Hanoi. On February 2, he was brought to a detention camp in Hanoi. Due to poor health, he was then brought to the hospital and treated at Bach Mai Hospital Hanoi. He had to pay hospital fees although the police had told him once as he had been in a State hospital, he would not have to pay any fees.

     Arrests and Imprisonment

On March 12, 2014, the People’s Court of Tuyen Quang sentenced Hoang Van Sang, a H’mong Christian, to 18 months in prison on charge of “abusing democracy rights to infringe on the State law,” in reference to Article 258  of the Penal Code of Vietnam. The charge was linked to the defendant’s efforts to raise fund in his local community to build a “funeral home.” Hoang Van Sang was a follower of Doan Vam Minh, the precursor for reforms for burial practices in the Christian community in Tuyen Quang. Province. The accusation was also linked to the H’mong ‘s refusal to receive State subsidies, the charge H’mong community members at the trial refuted. In April 2014, the same Court sentenced two other H’mong Christians, Ly Van Dinh and Duong Van Tu to 21 months and 15 months in prison, respectively, on charges of “infringement on democracy rights” referring to Article 258 of the Penal Code of Vietnam. Security around the justice building was tight. Police checkpoints were posited along the road to the tribunal to block H’mong community members from gathering to protest agaist the verdict.

Thursday, December 22, 2016

Processess of Normalization



  

   
  

 A Convention for a New Charter

The normalization is, first of all, a process by which the Bureau of Religious Affairs sought to manipulate the Evangelical leadership to gradually submit itself to State authority, to operate within the orbit of Party-controlled Fatherland Front. The task was so compelling that the regime had to rely on repressive measures to subject the Churches to its rule. Constant repression gave rise to discontent and unrest, gradually leading to non-cooperation, resistance, and opposition. Incidents of repression befell the Evangelical congregations, and  reactions in various ethnic minorities were tantamount to unrest. Facing nounting oppostion, on January 22, 2001, the Prime Minister announced in a notice to various Evangelical congregations that a national convention of the Evangelical Christian Churches was going to take place at  the Evangelical temple located at 155, Tran Hung Dao Boulevard, Saigon, from February7-9,2001.

     The Convention
  
      Representation at the Convention

The normalization of Evangelical Christianity of the State was primarily aimed at  stopping mass conversions to Evangelical Christianity. With some 300 communities before 1975, the Church sprang up with ever growing domestic churches, although the Church had not been  allowed to hold assembly or to nominate pastors to congregate the Evangelical laity and perform religious services at chapels or worship places. It was not until the period that preceded the historical visit of President Clinton to Vietnam that the Church gained a humble standing. The administration eased up some restrictions, courting Church leaders with favors. This maneuvre of the authorities in this process of normalization was self-evident, notably seen in the conduct of affairs of some Church leaders who were more interested in secular power than in the service of the Church. The situation  worsened, nevertheness. Non-cooperation and opposition persisted. To remedy, the authorities wooed pastors in various congregations with promises, Finally, manypastors came to term with the authorities. Some demands were granted.  

On January 22, 2001,  the prime minister signed an order authorizing the holding of a convention of the Evangelical Christian Churches of Vietnam located at 155 Tran Hung Dao Boulevard, Saigon, from February 7-9. However, it was difficult to know if the congregations would send delegates to the convention or stay away from it. To proceed the task as planned, officials and representatives of the Church came, met and worked on a roadmap, redefinining the Church's legal entity and reedifying its organization.

Four hundred and eighty-two (482) delegates of the Evangelical Christian Churches met and adopted the Church's Constitution, and elected leaders to the Church's Central Executive Board. Optimism was felt among Evangelical circles. This convention would be an opportunity for reunification of the Evangelical Christian Churches of South Vietnam.  Impediments surfaced as the convention was drawing closer. The time for preparation for the convention was relatively pressing as most congregations were not ready. A large number of Church members showed reluctance and expressed negative attitude towards the conduct of affairs of the officials. The epresentatives had not enough time to prepare themselves for a big enent like this. Many of them expressed doubts about the sincerity of the Bureau of Religious Affairs that always imposed predispositions on the Church, placing it under its control. A  number of pastors even predicted that most participants of this general convention were mere doll collaborators.

The official journal  Nhan Dan  (The  People), on the contrary,  announced that  the convention marked a turning point  in the history of the Evangelical Christian Churches of the South. It added that one had to talk about the 43rd Assembly and the 42nd Assembly that had taken place before the change of regime in 1975. But, never  could one have imagined thar there would still be such a grandiose convention.  It even proliferated that there were 1,482 official delegates. both the leadership and the laity, and 278 unofficial participants. The atmosphere was ceremonial. The Director of the Bureau of Religious Affairs, Le Quang Vinh, and other high-ranking officials were in attendance. Representatives of other religions whose names were not mentioned had been invited.

 The Election

he Reverend Pham Xuan Thieu,who received nomination in Canada, was elected president of a new executive board of Evangelical Christianity with 2/3 of the votes. He became the new president-elect of the sanctioned Church. Two vice-presidents were also elected. The first vice-president was the Reverend Duong Thanh of  Evangelical community in Da Nang, Central Vietnam, and the second, the Reverend Tran Van Hy of an Evangelical community in Ben Tre, South Vietnam. The pastor and members in this community had suffered persecution all through the first years following the change of political regime in 1975. The Bureau of Religious Affairs assisted by two State-oriented pastors were said to have cooed the Reverend Tran Van Hy all through the convention.   
    
Among 22 members elected to the executive board, there were only two members representing the congregations of ethnic minorities, which constitutes ¾ of the totality of the Evangelical Christian Churches. This underrepresentation was self-evident. A majority of ethnic congregations were excluded from the process of the actual unification. Yet, stragely enough, in the list of members of the council, there were additionally two pastors of the Vietnamese ethnc, who were considered as doll collaborators close to the authorities Their role was nominal as they had not been assigned to any responsibility.

Impediments surfaced. The new executive board laid out an ambitious nine-point program as though they wanted to test the reality, to be given enough freedom to do its task, which attitude would displease the authorities. Division remained in sight, adding weight to existing problems. As it was previously foreseen by the authorities, this process of normalization should bring the Church back to normalcy, elimnating  "abnormal activities" that might reappear. To step up preventive measures, the authorities sought to execute a “constructive effort,” which was implied in their verbal promises Local Churches would be allowed to build chapels and places for cult.  Other measures would be taken to help the Church develop. These prerogatives remained inconvencing. As always, the administration had all intents to  place the Church in the orbit of the Fatherland Front. Repairs for chapels and places of cult were conditional on rules and regulations, and assemblies for prayers were only permitted with approvals from the authorities.
    
Stil, old and new rules and regulations as regards religious policy remained in force for 25 years, weighing on the Church. Major obstacles had not been debarred. Requests for seminaries and classes of Bible studies, the ordination of new ministers, the publication of Bibles and religious books, the displacement of pastors, and the religious services and activities for normal worship  of the Church were still denied. Pastors and the laity were subdued under control. The “Normalization” of the Evangelical Churches of the State provoked, in rality, a flurry of anguish  among the Christian laity.

 The New Charter

To ease off the compilation of a new charter, the State authorized certain accredited members of the Church work on a constitution. It promised to create favorable conditions for them to get better results. The primary task was laying out groundwork for the compilation process. An ad-hoc committee would be created to elaborate basic procedures. State supervision over the committee was flexible. The committee enjoyed some degree of independence and worked in a state of mind quasi-liberal and without interference from the officials of the Bureau of Religious Affairs. They  were only counselors, Members of the committee were praised as diligent and creative. The final draft was later described as much more “deliberate” than the one previously prepared. However, members in the presidium were blamed for being frilous and “extremely close” to the authorities. They had not performed the task following their own chief’s initiatives. The authorities, in most cases, exercised their authority, revisrsing the draft content under the pretext that they wanted to make it clearer, more precise, and more acceptable to the State. The final draft was thus drastically altered when it came to the Bureau of Religious Affairs which, in its turn, added to it a number of changes at its will. This draft was sent back to the Committee for Compilation and then to local church congregations for further discussion. As a matter of fact, this new version was radically different from the original text.  Members in the Committee, feeling that they were duped, sent it back to the authorities and asked the original version they had adopted be restored.

Curiously enough, pastors and the laity had received the original text a little time before the arrival of the official altered text. They then had time to compare the two versions, picking up the hidden scheme. Their reactions were vigorous and unanimous. Protests took place at the meetings organized by State local sections of religious affairs. Requests for resignation of some members in the drafting committee as signs of protest were sent to the Committee of Compilation of the Charter. One  of them was signed by 46 pastors of Khanh Hoa Province. Writings denouncing the negative attitude towards some leaders were put into circulation. Certain leaders were given such nicknames as “The Crow of a Rooster,” referring to the disavowal of faith of Saint Peter, or “Our Brothers Will Cry,”  intending to describe the subdued attitude of some leaders in face of State intervention in the Church's internal affairs. Other texts circulating clandestinely put into question nine docile pastors’ attitude, charging them with being content to serve as henchmen for the regime or of being more naive and impermeable to the lessons of humiliation from the Evangelical Churches of North Vietnam. Criticisns of the lack of resoluteness of these leaders before the intervention of the Bureau of Religious Affairs showed an act of cowardice of the committee and shamefully shocked various circles of the Evangelical Christian Churches throughout the country.

Friday, December 9, 2016

The Restructuration of the Evangelical Christian Churches in the South





The same problem posed for the the authorities in the South where the actual leader, aged 98, had serious health problems. The authorities insisted that the prospective successor should meet preconditions to work with the authorities to regularize the Church's activities and  restructure the Church's organization. This subjugation of the Evangelical Christian Churches to State control was nevertheless a complex process and was thus proceeded  through complicated series of negotiations between the administration and  leaders of various denomination of Evangelical Christian Churches. The authorities applied the same method of assimilation they had in 1985 when the Buddhist Church of Vietnam was placed under the patronage of the Fatherland Front. By this method, they had given Islam, various denominations of Caodaism and independent sects of Hoa Hao Buddhism official recognition. As a result, the religions faced internal division. Many among these denominations or sects  were then controlled by the State and functioned in its terms; others were outlawed and survived under repression or persecution. Only can the Roman Catholic Church be spared from undergoing this process of normalization.

In the beginning, the normalization of Evangelical Christian Churches proceeded without friction. The State Bureau of Religious Affairs predisposed stages to activate processes of assimilation, first, by convincing leaders of various Evangelical Christian Churches in South Vietnam to integrate their congregations into a single organization. The stage after next, it officially granted them legal status and began to “normalize” the relations between it and the various denominations, intergrating them into the "United Church," and gradually placed them under its control, to operate within the orbit of the Fatherland Front, like any other satellite Communist-oriented organizations. This process of the normalization started on January 28, 2000.  .
      
 The Obstacles

For a long time, certain leaders of the Evangelical Christian Churches in the South, in reality, had initiated negotiation with the Bureau of Religious Affairs. The World Commission of Evangelical Union on Religious Freedom. in Singapore, on February 16, 2000, announced that the authotities would approved of a constitution draft following a proposal for  the normalization of three phases of the Evangelical Christian Churches in the South. Still, there was doubt among the Evangelicals over a propitious time for the start of the negotiation. The difficulty, in the first place, was the fact that the Evangelical Christian Churches of the South were then in disaray. Some 300 communities had practically had no universality so far as the direction the Church should take. The Bureau of Religious Affairs, by arbitrary decision, came to terms with certain leaders who willingly took side with the authorities, This conduct of affairs of the Bureau of Religious Affairs became the object of doubts to other leaders that had for a long time had little confidence in the regime. According to the agency UCANEWS, a pastor in Ho Chi Minh City who asked anonimity might have declared out of  fear that the new Bureau of Mobilization, directed by a pastor of the Center-Vietnam, the Reverend Duong Thanh, would hardly find a common ground with which he was capaable of unifying the Evangelical Christian Churches of South Vietnam (UCANEWS, October 25, 2000).

     The Negotiations

In January 2000, the Vice-director of the Bureau of Religious Affairs, Nguyen Van Chinh led the delegation of the administration to negotiate with several leaders of the Evangelical Christian Churches of South Vietnam.  Previously, negotiations between the two parties always prolonged and came to a standstill. However, the authorities thought that they would gain better results this time as the Church leaders agreeably came to the negotiation table. On January 28, 2000, a three-phase negotiation agenda was agreed on by the two parties. A general congress of Church leaders would be held, and twenty-five pastors would be delegated to the convention to discuss the processes of unification of the Church in the presence of the officials of the Bureau of Religious Affairs. The second phase would see the enlargement of the second convention with 25 pastors. There should necessarily be the participation in a convention of 65 members to prepare work for a constitution that could be acceptable to the government. If no inconvenience to the authorities occurred, authorization to convene a congress at the national level would be granted. The Bureau of Religious Affairs would engage in this affair. It would have a final say on the approval of the candidacy to the would-be Committee of Direction of the Church. The third phase would complete the task with the nomination of certain pastors to the  new leadership of the Church.

The authorities were optimistic about the results. They declared that this was a great achievement in the year 2000.  Le Quang Vinh, the director of the Bureau of Religious Affairs, during a ceremony, declared before the representatives of the government and leaders of Evangelical Christian Churches of the province of Quang Tri  that “ the Prime Minister granted admission to the Committee of Religious Affairs the nomination of 25 pastors.” The official daily Saigon Giai Phong, on October 23, 2000, praised the creation of the Committee of Mobilization, considering this the first step towards achieving great reunion of various denominations of Evangelical Christianity, and a significant move towards the creation of an Association of Protestants of Vietnam. The Vietnamese Information Agency (VNI) also spoke highly of  the task

For its part, the new Committee called on Evangelical Christians to contribute to work on the Church’s primary task, to institute a constitution for the new Church. In its communique to members of the Church, it stressed that the stipulations in constitution must comply with the principles of the faith and be in agreement with the traditions of the Church, namely, the respect for national traditions and the values social life. These tenets must be performed in conformity with the political lines of the government as indicated in the motto of the Church: “For God, for the country, and for the nation and the Fatherland.” In reality, the Committee failed to dissimulate iembarrassment. Evangelical Christian communities in South Vietnam were largely indifferent to all works of "normalization" of the State. That is a process of assimilation through which the State tied the Church to the Syate-affiliated Fatherland Front, circulating under its control and within its orbit.

A New Charter

Long before, the official journal Nhan Dan had affirmed that a charter for Evangelical Christianity “should respect the national tradition and social life and be in conformity with the Constitution and the laws of the country.” On December 28, 2000, by the time disagreement between members in the committee for elaboration of the project of the charter occured, there had already existed two versions. One was the primeval version of the project that had been adopted by the majority of leaders of the Church, and that the other one that had been amended, first, by the presidium of the committee then by the Bureau of Religious Affairs. The members of the committee, in a motion affirmed that the two versions were attached to the first draft for preference. Texts of orientations were circulated within the Evangelical Christian circles for suggestions.

Speculations circulated in some congregations. Some members of the Church expcted that the creation of a charter would generate a positive effort that would facilitate more religious services and activities. Others nevertheless  saw in the official recognition of the Church a strategy by the authorities destined to control the Christians more restrictively. Evangelicals were  primarily considered by the State the most antagonistic elements to the regime. They boggled at the intervention of the State not only because of  its strict control but largely because of repression befalling them. Local Evangeal Christians in the Central Highlands mostly suffered severe persecutions, and unrest was likely to happen at any time. A charter for the Church was a only move towards "normalization," placing recalcitrant Evangelicals under strict totalitarian control.