Sunday, December 29, 2013

LIFE IN THE REEDUCATION CAMPS AND PRISONS



Reeducation in the Camps and Prisons

 

Rules and Regulations
 


 

The Communist authorities have always maintained that there are no political prisoners in Vietnam. Officials and officers of the Republic of Vietnam were all the debtors of blood to the people and thus subjected to the most strict discipline.. Members of political parties who had not reported themselves with the authorities were arrested, charged with counterrevolutionary crimes, and imprisoned They were held under the direct surveillance and supervision of the security police. .The rules and regulations were even more rigorous. must closely combine management and reeducation. They were tight, continuous, comprehensive, and specific. Each inmate must be managed individually and personally, in terms of thoughts and actions, words and deeds, philosophy of life and ways of livelihood, and social education in association with interrogation. (Nguyen Tri, Interview with Nhat Tran, December 14, 1992).

 

The Criteria


The conditions of living were lamentable. Since there was little space (50 cm x 60 cm per person) for a great number of prisoners, the sanitary standard was exceedingly low, and the inmate’s personal security was not guaranteed. As a result, theft, robbery, and fight occurred.


Camp authorities combine rules and regulations of socialist methods of thought reform and management of labor throughout the reeducation process. The slogan is "firm devotion to thought reform and good performance of productive labor." Reeducation of thought and labor must be tight as the reeducated had long lived under harsh imperialism, had been crammed in their heads with erroneous thoughts, and had been corrupted by bad habits and social mores. They all committed crimes against the people --war criminals. They must be reeducated to repent on their crimes and rehabilitated to become again honest elements in the new society. The two fundamental criteria serve as a ruler to measure to what extent the reeducated has achieved in his task of reeducation reform. Each inmate‘s progress is evaluated individually and personally in terms of his fervor with which devoted himself to thought reform in association with his correct norms of performance of socialist productive labor As soon as he has performed well this task, he is released from the camp.

 

Thought Reform

 

Though reform is clearly not defined. It is essentially a concept. Rather, it is a process, which was instrumental in the thought education of cadres to achieve the political objectives for land reforms (1952-1958) and correction of disoriented intellectuals, writers, and artists after the Nhan Van Affair. (1956-1958) in Hanoi The process aims not only to transform the thought and way of thinking of the reeducated, to abandon the ideology of the imperialist oppressors and capitalist bourgeoisie and their ways of life. It also serves as a means to change the behavior of the reeducated, to transform him into a new man-- a socialist in a socialist society! The reverse proved to be true. There was only a dialogue between the deaf! There was an abyss of conflicts of thoughts and contradictions in the spiritual and moral ways of life that separated the Communist and non-Communists had made.



Thought reform after the liberation of the South, in many instances, became a farce! Most political commissioners were peasants who used to handle a plough and a gun at he same time. They treated the reeducated as uncivilized illiterates They had not enough knowledge about the culture and the level of education of the people in the South. They were not aware of the fact that most officials and officers of the old political regime were the holders of university degrees! Bestial treatment of camp officials, in addition, could only reverse the results and disastrous consequences to the reeducated.



In its effort to ensure a new socialist order in the South, Hanoi relied on the methods and techniques of thought education they adopted from socialist countries, especially Communist China. These new devices included thought reform, population resettlement, and internal exile, as well as security surveillance and mass political mobilization. Party-sponsored study sessions were obligatory for all adults. For the former elite of the Saigon regime, a more rigorous form of indoctrination was used. Hundreds of thousands of former military officers, bureaucrats, politicians, religious figures and lawyers, as well as critics of the new regime were ordered to reeducation camps for varying periods. At any periods they were all subjected to reeducation.


During the first months, intensive thought reform is the key element of reeducation in the camps. The inmates were instructed to reveal and denounce all the crimes the American imperialism and the puppet government had committed against the people. They themselves had the obligation to confess theirs for their participation in bringing catastrophe upon the people and country. They were required to write statements of their crimes, no matter how trivial they were. They were guilty of of their crimes and repented their crimes. They appealed for leniency from the Revolution. They promised to overcome bad thought and wrong doings to become good citizens again. Nine lectures comprising subjects ranging from praising the Communist victory of April 1975 over the American imperialists and their henchmen of the people and the People’s Army under the leadership of the Party to the glory of the ever-victorious Marxism-Leninism.



 

Reproductive Labor

 

Though reform must go hand in hand with productive labor called socialist labor. It became the key element of the reeducation process following the first months of intensive thought reform. It helps to transform the reeducate into a real socialist man. Labor is glory. Socialist labor works are, in fact, all forms of forced labor that are used to intimidate and coerced the reeducated to submit himself to the camp’s rules and regulations. They vary from the construction works to clearing mine fields. There is no definition for this form of reeducation. They include whatever form of labor the camp authorities consider as useful and necessary for reeducation reform. Labor education helps the reeducated reform his thought and thus acquire new views of life to adapt himself to the socialist society and serve it accordingly.

 

In the evening, the inmates reviewed their work in their group through mutual criticism and self-criticism, Productive labor for the camps ere primarily hard physical work much of which was hazardous such as building camps, clearing the forest, digging canals and wells, planting and harvesting crops,, quarrying rocks, felling trees, and cleaning the minefields. All of these works were done by hand and with rough implements and without equipment. The prisoners were organized into work teams. Each individual and group was forced to compete with each other to surpass the work indicator set by the camps. Failure to fulfill the task would result in being shackled or placed in solitary confinement. Not only did the prisoners suffer maltreatment with forced labor, they were also used as human shields on the battlefield., Aurora Foundation (1989) indicated that The Eighth Infantry Division of the VNPA kept over 1,000 prisoners in Moc Hoa in the late 1970’s. The prisoners were frequently exposed to Cambodia artillery fire from 177-1978.



The Requests

 

Requests by Amnesty International and other humanitarian agencies, both governmental and non-governmental, for impartial investigations of prison conditions remained unanswered. Families who inquired about husbands, wives, daughters, or sons were ignored. It was an abiding commitment to fundamental principles of human dignity, freedom, and self-determination that motivated many Americans to oppose the government of South Vietnam and the United States’ participation in the war. It is that same commitment that compels international figures to speak out against the Communist government ‘s brutal disregard of human rights. They found it necessary to raise voices so that the Vietnamese people might live. They appealed to the Communist government to end the imprisonment and torture-- to allow an international team of neutral observers to inspect the prisons and reeducation centers. They urged this government to follow the tenets of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Convent for Civil and Political Rights which, as a member of the United States, the Communist country is pledged to uphold. They urge it to reaffirm its stated commitment to the basic principles of freedom and human dignity ... to establish real peace in Vietnam (Joan Baez. Ibid. 1979: 1).

 
 

TESTIMONIES

 
 

Housing Conditions

 

Housing conditions in the prisons and camps were far worse than unsatisfactory. Dang Chi Binh related how he suffered pain from the hazardous suffocating atmosphere due to lack of air in a tight cell when he was held at the Hoa Lo prison (Hanoi Hilton). He had never been sick due to restriction to movement outside the cell. Air was the cure. He was hungry, he still had air for compensation. In this cell, air was blocked from flowing in. Worse still, in this polluted cell, a foul smell persisted. The more intensity of it he inhaled, the less chance of survival he would have. (Dang Chi Binh, Thep Den, 1987:93)



At the Z39 D, Ham Tan camp, criminals and political prisoners of all backgrounds-- priests and intellectuals-- were locked in the same house or cell. They were all subject to the same savage treatment. The housing conditions were lamentable. Since there was little space (50 cm x 60 cm per person) for a great number of prisoners, the sanitary conditions was exceedingly low, and the inmate’s personal security was on full alert. As a result, theft, robbery, and fight occurred at any moment,. Such living conditions created constant troubles, making ferocity a habit. Human decency and moral mores deteriorated. Men of dignity were tortured by brutal criminals, the hooligans of the black society who were used by camp authorities to penalize unbending political prisoners. (Tran Manh Quynh, A Report, 1994).



Likewise, at the A20 camp, Xuan Phuoc, Phu Yen, criminals and political prisoners were indiscriminately treated and crammed in the same house or cell. Among those political prisoners were the Catholic priests Dinh Van Hieu and Le Hoai Son, the Buddhist monks Nguyen Duc Chuong, Tue Sy Pham Van Thuong, Le Hien, and Ho Huu Tin. Other personalities among whom were Honorable Huynh Van De, Honorable Ho Huu Khanh, and Professor Doan Viet Hoat. Also incarcerated in the camp were the overseas Vietnamese from the U.S.A., Canada, Germany, and France who were arrested on charges of scheming to overthrow the Revolution. They were: Ly Tong, Tran Manh Quynh, Peter Tran Vu, Vann Nelson Do Huon, Michael Nguyen Van Muon, Do Hoang Van, Pham Duc Hau, Nguyen Ngoc Dang, Nguyen Nghiep, Pierre Pham Anh Dung, and Le Hoan Son. Criminals and political prisoners alike were treated brutally by the same camp measures. (Pham Van Thanh, A Report., 1994)

 

Food Rations

 

Severe malnutrition plagued all reeducation camps. At the outset of concentration reeducation, the reeducated were told to bring e food for a period of ten days to thirty days. Supplies then were insufficient for a long period of detention. Camp guards and prisoners shared food equally. Still, supplies sent to the camps by family members were frequently intercepted by the camp authorities. As a result, the inmates’ food rations became increasingly meager.



Buu Lich reported that food limitation became a serious problem. Camp prisoners felt their health collapsed due to excruciating hunger. Succumbed due to forced starvation, they still did hard labor. In the beginning, their monthly apportion of rice was 18 kgs. The amount was gradually reduced to 15 kgs, 12 kgs, 8 kgs, and finally, none. Rice was lacking. and manioc, sweet potato, yam, or barley flour were substituted for it. All these foodstuffs were of the worst quality. Spoiled sweet potato or moth-eaten rice were the main diet. The only sauce that went with it was some kind of fish sauce, which was, in fact, a mixture of water and dark salt. The inmate had the right to a few stalks of vegetable a day, a piece of fish of a thumb size a week, and a piece of meat of the same size biweekly or even a month. Fish and meat became the diet of luxury. The craving for sugar was true torture. Four inmates shared a tiny box of sugar a month, and the amount was only given on the first days of reeducation!



Ho N. related that, during 1975-1976, at the Suoi Mau camp, Bien Hoa Province, South Vietnam, camp prisoners were only fed with decayed rice unearthed from dugouts in some old day secret guerrilla zones in the jungle. That was the kind of rice that Communists guerrillas stored in caves during the Vietnam War. floats when soaked in water and, is naturally without nutrient. His fellow prisoner, Dinh Pho, a Cao Dai believer and vegetarian, lamented that he survived reeducation thanks to his faith in the Cao Dai Supreme. He had been washed with favors from the Almighty God to brave hardship and starvation, and face shame and torture during the years in the reeducation camp. There were days of constant excruciating hunger and severe illness. No one gave him a bite of food or a capsule of medicine. He prayed and prayed, and at last was saved. You could not imagine how painful the kind of hunger at a reeducation camp was! It deprives you of reason and decency. Six camp prisoners who could not resist hunger and died of eating wild fruit.



The writer Pham Quoc Bao described how hunger tortured the camp prisoner and how it drove him to insanity: One day, the cook, a Northern Communist invalid and an inmate, received a jack-fruit from his family member who came to visit him. He cleaved the fruit in halves, had his fellow inmates in his room shared one half. He gave a piece of it to the camp nurses and hid the remainder somewhere --to save it for some other fellow inmates. Everyone could have a bite! The secret was disclosed, and the cook would soon be punished for acting against the camp’s regulations. Someone threw the poor piece of jack-fruit into a pail of urine --to destroy the evidence. Regretting a gold piece of food, the cook rushed to the place to recover it. It was only too late! A sick inmate had sneaked out ahead of him and had already taken several good bites of it.



At the A20 camp, Xuan Phuoc, Phu Yen Province, each inmate was given 12 kgs of foodstuffs monthly! Without the provisions sent in the camp from their relatives, the inmates would certainly starve. Life in the camp was utterly woeful. The inmates were subject to forced labor from 6:00 A.M. to 4:30 P.M. under the sun and in the rain They were always in serious want of food. Because of this, fights between criminals occurred almost daily. The inmate under solitary detention still suffered the most excruciating starvation. He was only given one meal a day that consisted of one small bowl of rice and a pinch of salt. Punishment such as this did kill the Catholic priests Nguyen Quang Minh, Nguyen Luan, and Nguyen Van Vang. They died between 1985 and mid-1986 for their unyielding tenacity against the cadres of the Ministry of the Interior.


At the Thanh Liet camp, Ha Son Binh Province, the prisoners were classified into different categories based on the evaluation of types of crimes against the people they had committed. The food ration then varied depending on the degree of sincerity of open confession of their crimes. The least honest was given 6 kgs of rice monthly or a bowl of cooked rice and a bit of soup of plain vegetable daily; the honest, 12 kgs of rice monthly --a bowl of cooked rice, a few blades of vegetable and soup of boiled vegetable daily; the advanced , 15 kgs of cooked rice monthly-- 2 bowls of cooked rice, a few blades of vegetable, some plain soup of boiled vegetable daily, and two minces of meat monthly; and. the exemplary, 18 kgs of rice monthly --two bowls of cooked rice and boiled vegetable and plain vegetable soup daily, and three minces of meat monthly.



Thach Xum, an officer of Cambodian origin explicated that contrary to the Communist propaganda, officials and officers of the Republic of Vietnam were summoned to camps not for reeducation but for brainwashing and for expiation of their crimes. They were treated more savagely then the prisoners of war. The Communists said that "one gains from one’s labor." Nevertheless, the prisoner exhausted himself with forced labor but was not given in return the minimum amount of food he desperately needed. Camp guards shared his provisions and camp wardens maliciously exploited their labor starved the him for their interests. They forced the prisoner to think about nothing but food. Many prisoners would eat whatever living thing they could find. A snake and even a grasshopper was to them a treasure!

 

Forced Labor


Camp detainees were organized into work groups or units to compete with one another for better productive work records The writer Ta Ty made a sketch of a scene of forced labor while he served reeducation at the camp:



"The water-buffalo with a pair of long curbed horns dully followed the laborer. Hardly had the animal seen the ground, it bolted up and tried to break loose. The laborer managed hard to rein the rope to control it, driving it onto the ground but failed to do so. The beast scuttled across a small stream and into the bushes at the foot of the hill. Not only man, a water-buffalo is also scared of force labor, sighed the laborer. "



The writer recalled the death of his fellow camp prisoner, Lt. Col. Nguyen Quang Hung, the former Chief of Staff at the Political Warfare Academy. The officer died of excessive forced labor. An excellent swimmer, he was drowned when crossing the rapids. He failed to resist the current because of exhaustion!



At the Xuan Loc camp, the authorities established standards for different categories of forced labor according to the communist motto, "one gains from one’s labor." A inmate under separate confinement was given only 2 kgs of rice per month. An inmate of the category of light forced labor was given 4 kgs of rice per month; an inmate of the category of normal forced labor, 6 kgs; and an inmate with a special skill -- a carpenter or bricklayer-- 8 kgs. The rations of rice was later replaced with manioc, maize. or yam. The meager diet was the main cause of death due to overwork.



The reeducated worked under guard in the forest, usually 15 km away from the camp. Each prisoner was forced to gather at least 20 kgs of firewood-- which is half of the weight of a Vietnamese of middle weight-- and carried to the camp, all together with his saw and hatch! The reeducated who had not been used to doing hard work was likely to succumb due to overwork or to die of the victim of an unexpected accident.



Another cause that is not less fatal was the impassivity of the camp guards towards the prisoners. One day, Lt. Nguyen Trong recalled, a tree trunk fell on a prisoner Everyone rushed to the place and managed to help the unfortunate inmate out. The guardian on watch only showed an expressionless face. The prisoners requested him to bring the victim back to the camp, but the request was ignored. The injured inmate lay on the ground, unattended. About 5 or 6 hours later, he was carried on the back by his fellow prisoner. He was soon dying and died on the way back to camp.


At the A20 camp, Xuan Phuoc, Phu Yen Province, the authorities exploited to the fullest the prisoner’s labor for their own profits. Each prisoner of the group of brick-makers, for instance, was forced to produce 1,400 blocks a month. This amount of bricks was sold in the market at a retail sale of $VN 140,000 dong// 1,000 blocks. Nevertheless, the prisoner could only receive $VN 30,000 dong. A sick inmate was exempt from work, a sum of $VN 1’300 dong/ a day was subtracted from his total salary. The group as a whole had to place a monthly deposit of $VN 1,000,000 dong out of $VN 4,000,000 dong paid for their work from the account at the overseer’s office. The difference would go to the quan giao (camp custodian).



The prisoner labored hard for the camp, but no attention was paid to their health. Not only did the camp authorities exploit the group of brick-makers’ labor on construction work. They also forced other groups of prisoners to labor for their own interests, The farming group, another case in point, held domestic jobs for the camp authorities, beside clearing wild fields and breaking rocks.



Living scenes of labor exploitation in the camps as such are described in numerous accounts, reports, and memoirs of veteran political prisoners, by Dang Chi Binh, Ha Thuc Sinh, Pham Quoc Bao, Nguyen Chi Thien, Doan Viet Hoat, and so on. They denounced the maltreatment that is even more savage than the atrocities afflicted on the prisoners of war by wardens in the prisons and concentration camps in the despotic world. And, the reader can come across a great deal of these incidents in the woks of Stendhall Georghiu, Charriere, Solzhenitsyn, Silvio Pellico, Bevenito Cellenini, and so on.


Ha Thuc Sinh in his memoirs Blood University asserted that prison authorities in the Free World may resort to violence to control the prisoners. An innate sense of human love is still there, deep in their hearts. Most wardens in the prisons and reeducation camps, on the contrary, seemed impassive and acted with indifference towards their fellow compatriots sufferings. They developed methods of maltreatment with insistence on the basis of the principles of the class struggle. They treated their defeated fellow compatriots like the deadly enemies. --the blood debtors to the people-- and regarded them as wild beasts. And, these beasts deserve the most excruciating torture!


Witnessing the harsh treatment against political prisoners of the camp authorities at the Nam Ha camp, on March 1, 1994, Doan Viet Hoat sent a letter of protest to the Vietnamese Communist leadership, denouncing the barbarous methods of organized forced labor and the horrible practices of the rules and regulations of the camp he and his fellow prisoners had lived through. These methods and practices were entirely intended for purposeful punishment and vengeance. The camp prisoners were assigned the task "to make the camp rich." As a consequence, exploitation of labor only produces negative effects. Forced labor was instrumental in gaining profits for the camp at the expense of the prisoners. They were mercilessly exploited. while their living conditions became increasingly unsustainable. Reeducation, in this situation failed to achieve its objectives, thereby causing disadvantages to the State’s policy. Labor at the camp should be accompanied with true education, to elevate the knowledge --to reform thoughts, improve the skills, and implement the environment in accordance with the norms and principles of education in a civilized society.

 

Health Care


 
Food and medical supplies were inadequate. Sick prisoners were not transferred in time to a hospital. Many prisoners therefore died painfully. Illness was frequently the consequence of starvation. Other than this villainous cause, the inmates usually became sick as a result of the unhygienic environment of the camp. The most common diseases were diarrhea and malaria, and most patients died because of lack of health care. Worse still, while illness and injury caused by forced labor were widespread, medical treatment was virtually nonexistent The camp did not supply medicine, and the inmate could only rely on herbs or the little medicine they brought with him the day he was summoned to reeducation. The inmate did not have the right to keep it, however. It was kept at the camp office and was only given to the possessor only when he was truly in need of it. He had to apply for it with a written form.


A sick inmate had a little good food ration and was exempted from work. However, that was not the case for any prisoner all the time. Prof. Doan Viet Hoat constantly resisted pain in his back; he still had to work in the field. He was severely myopic but had never been given an eye examination. He was even not permitted to replace his old eye glasses, which had already been unfit for his weak vision. The poet Nguyen Van Thuan suffered heart attack and became seriously ill. He had never been permitted to return home for medical care, regardless of the intervention of Jackie Manihorn, the Executive Director of the Canadian Center International PEN. In fact, illnesses did not constitute a motive for the reeducated to return home. Only could a dying inmates be granted permission. They died soon after homecoming!



The death of a prisoner in the camp is kept a secret. During his official visit to France in April 1977, Prime Minister Pham Van Dong maintained in an interview with the press that the lawyer Tran Van Tuyen, a national public figure of the South and a reeducated, was still alive while he certainly knew that Tran Van Tuyen had died in the Lao Kay reeducation camp in April 1976. The lawyer’s family was kept uninformed.


Causes of Death

 

The writer Hoang Hai Thuy recollected in his memoirs how the worst heath service had caused the deaths of the two famous writers Nguyen Hoat and Duong Hung Cuong. Nguyen Hoat died of high blood pressure due to the lack of medical treatment. Nguyen was detained at the ED Collrctive Room, close to Hoang’s room, the ED 10, in Phan Dang Luu Prison, Saigon. The lawyer Khuat Duy Trac, who was detained at ED 9, which was also close to Hoang’ s room, suddenly heard in the night a prisoner cry out to the cadres in charge of the ED, warning that there was an seriously sick inmate in need of emergency care. The writer Nguyen Hoat had already been unconscious. Until later, his fellow inmate was ordered to carry him on the back to the dispensary of Chi Hoa Prison, 4-5 kilometers away. He died the following morning. The writer Duong Hung Cuong suffered severe pneumonia without medical care. He died while under solitary confinement. The prison warden found him already dead when he came by his cell to make the morning roll call.

Aurora Foundation (1989) reported that the majority of camps had no trained medical personnel. Deaths in the camp results mostly from medical negligence. Ninety percent of seriously ill inmates at Binh Gia Camp died in the camp. At the Thanh Phong prison sub-camp K-1, Thanh Hoa Province, the death rate was inordinately high in the 1980’s. Thirty percent of the inmates died each year from 1980. The former senator of the Republic of Vietnam Hoang Xuan Hao reported in his memoirs that forced starvation was perdurable in the Communist prisons and camps in the provinces of the North. Throughout the period of 1976-1979, in the reeducation camps such as the Lam Son and Thanh Cam camps Thanh Hoa Province, the number of prisoners who died of forced starvation was enormously high. Criminals and prisoners of ethnic minorities were also among the victims. They were mostly the inmates who had been rounded up and crammed into the various prisons at the time of the Chinese invasion into the six provinces along the Vietnam-China borders. in 1979. Since there were not enough coffins to match the demand, the camp’s supervisor devised on his own initiative a style of multipurpose coffin. This kind of coffin was made with automatic bolts fixed at the bottom plank. One could only unfasten the bolts, and the corpse was automatically released. As many as a hundred dead bodies could be dropped into the ditches at a time. That is truly convenient!


Punishment

 

Bruce Stanley of the Associated Press, on September 28, 1994 reported that political prisoners at a detention camp were beaten by guards. They were denied medical care and forced to survive on a diet of rice and salt. The Vietnam Committee on Human Rights, based in Gennevillers, France, quoted a document reportedly written on July 25, 1994, and smuggled out of Vietnam by Pham Van Thanh, gave a glimpse of what it said the the miserable conditions inside the country’s reeducation camps. Security police beat up the political prisoners with unbelievable violence. They were beaten like animals.


It is not unusual, though, to see even a Communist suffer maltreatment in the Party’s jail. Ngo Duc Mau, a veteran Communist who had served a ten-year term in the French’s prison disclosed that there was a vast chasm separating the treatment against the inmates in an imperial prison and that in the Communist one. While in a dark, damp cell of a colonial prison, the prisoners still had chance to comfort one another. They only suffered physical pain, and their minds were at rest. In the Communist prison, they were trampled underfoot, both mentally and physically. The wardens regarded the inmate a traitor or a spy.

Punishment against political prisoners --beating and torture-- is politically instituted. Reeducation is defined by the Communist regime as "the means to educate the military and civil personnel of the puppet administration so that they will be made aware of the new politics, that they will repent, and that they will be ably live in the bosom of the people when returning home." On the contrary, the cadres, haughty and arrogant, never hesitated to scream, humiliate, insult, abuse, and beat and torment without mercy the political prisoner. In a way, they revenged themselves on "the henchmen of the puppet government." They were treated like the horrible creatures, the one-time oppressors and blood debtors to the people! The idea certainly reflected the Communist propaganda, brainwashing the bovine people of the North, alluring them to believe that all former officials and officers of the South Vietnamese government were the deadliest enemies.



Beating and torture wee the common practices. Punishment of these types were normally conducive to fatal consequences. At the Hoc Mon camp, 10 kilometers south of Saigon, a reeducated became delirious as a result of high fever. He unconsciously provoked the camp wardens, insulting Ho Chi Minh, Vo Nguyen Giap, Truong Chinh,, and Pham Van Dong. for having invaded South Vietnam and engulfed the whole Vietnamese people in starvation and misery. He was immediately crammed into and held tight in a connex. The warden on watch had tortured the victim savagely, knocking on his head with the cross-head of a handgun all night. He breathed his last breath the following morning.


At the Thanh Liet camp, Ha Nam Ninh Province, the inmate under solitary confinement was held in a separate cell. His hands were not shackled, but his feet were chained in fetters. His mouth was stuffed with a piece of rubber fastened by a steel string that is pulled toward the back of the head and held with a lock. In this position, the inmate could in no way cry out. The security police of Hanoi still adopted other special techniques of torture without causing an immediate death. They cause internal injury that is serious enough to gradually wear out the inmate physical strength so that he can sustain continued torture within several days of recovery. The victim would then be physically resistant for another flurry of torture.


In particular, these professional executioners of the Communist prisons did not apply electric shock. They tied up the inmate, cornered him to the wall, bent his head down to the ground, and kicked and trampled him underfoot. Putting the inmate’s feet in fetters and starving him were the common practices at the Hilton Hotel (Hoa Lo Hanoi, i.e., Hanoi Prison).


Nguyen Ly Tuong, a former deputy of the National Assembly of the Republic of Vietnam, reported in the interview with the daily Thoi Luan (Vietnam Post), on August 14, 1994, that there were two categories of inmates at the camp: the ordinary reeducated and the members of the political dissidence. The former category were generally treated with less rigorous and severe punishment. The latter category was subject to strict discipline measures. They were classified into the category of the most dangerous elements to the regime --the blood debtors to the people.! The prison wardens and guards usually applied special methods with technical skills to torture them. The inmate under solitary confinement in this category were kept in a kennel. He had to sit with his back curved and crawl out to grab food just like a beast! The poet Truong Thai Son, Chairman of the Committee of the Struggle for the Rights of Man, who demanded the camp authorities to treat the political prisoners with decency and respect was arbitrarily placed under solitary confinement. Professor Doan Viet Hoat and Tran Manh Quynh, and other personalities were transferred to other prisons and camps in the North because of their intervention in this effort.



Various forms of corporal torture were also the common practices in other reeducation camps and prisons. The inmates were subject to interrogations with beatings’ They were tied up in contorted positions, hands and feet shacked, and confined in dark cells. At the Ben Gia camp, Cuu Long Province, the camp wardens used living graves, tiger cages, and steel-barred dark cells for solitary confinement of unbending prisoners. At the Vuo Dao, Tien Giang Province, the obstinate inmate suffered the forced death in tiger cages or execution by strangulation. The officials at the Dong Nai camp, Dong Nai Province, forced the inmates to detect mines without equipment and clear the mine fields with bare hands. Failures to do the task resulted in fatal beatings. At the Ha Nam Ninh camps, where political and religious prisoners were held, the inmates were forced to do labor works on starvation diets. Failures to meet the established standards resulted in fatal beatings and solitary confinement. At the Thanh Phong camps and sub-camps, with 900 inmates each, the political prisoners including former senators, journalists, Catholic priests, pastors, and former officers and officials suffered brutal torment. As a result, a considerable number of inmates committed suicide; others died due to disease, overworking, malnutrition, torture, and solitary confinement.

 

The Glory of Bad Faith

 

The writer Nhat Tran was arrested for ungrounded reasons. He was charged with counterrevolutionary crimes --masterminding subversive activities against the Revolution. A refugee from the North in July 1954, he had been for twenty years a law student then a businessman. He had not involved in any anti-Communist activities whatsoever. Having searched through his home, the red guards could only find an old national flag and nothing else.. Squeezed into the corner of a dark cell at the Phab Dang Luu prison, Gia Dinh Province, he came to realize that hatred and vengeance on certain enemies was the primary cause of his arrest. He was only a son of a refugee family from the North in July 1954 when the Communists came back to Hanoi to take over the nationalist government.. An immigrant to the South at that time was regarded a traitor to the Communist fatherland. The reason for his arrest was simple! :He was anti-Communist without doubt. Anyone acts contrarily to the Communists’ will is regarded a traitor. Nhat Tran confided:



"The battle has not ended. As long as hatred and vengeance prevailed, national reconciliation and concord will remain the rhetoric of political propaganda The guerrilla war in the 1960’s wagged by the communists had cost tens of hundred hundreds of human beings. The so-called liberation of the South only sowed division among various layers of population and monstrous disaster to the people. The victory of the North Vietnamese that followed engendered tragic disaster losses to the people.. The Vietnamese of the South writhed with pain when seeing their land and properties stripped off and fell into the hands of the unruly North Vietnamese Communists. The Communists will never successfully convince the people of the South of their cause. They will never justify with certitude their failed ideology. Unsuccessful in doing so, the Communists have tried to putt the blame on the others, the former officials and officers, of the SVN administration and all members of the elite class that they thoughts the henchmen of or adherents to it.



Upon seizing the political power in the South, the Communists apparently declared to carry out a policy of leniency towards the officials and officers of the old regime. They nevertheless summoned all of them and members of the political parties, social organizations, and religions in concentration reeducation. In reality, personalities of the various political, social and religious organizations who responded to their call were crammed into various prisons in the cities and reeducation camps in distant forests and mountains. In Saigon, Phan Dang Luu Prison became a notorious concentration camp. Thousands of political figures arbitrarily labeled as reactionary elements were arrested and imprisoned. There was seldom a trial.



Nhat Tran was transferred to the North and held at the most infamous Quyet Tien Camp in the Hoang Lien Son Mountains. For months, he was cornered in a dark cell, the political prisoner lay on the floor with his hands and feet tied to his back. Interrogations were conducted day and night. He was lucky to escape death. Many prisoners died because of savage torture. After the period of interrogations with torture, the prisoner was transferred to a sub-camp for reeducation --thought reform and forced labor. People in the North were fearful of such term as reeducation at Quyet Tien Camp! There is no fixed term of detention for reeducation. A man’s life is worth nothing in a Communist reeducation camp!



As a rule, the most fractious political prisoners were sent to the Quyet Tien Camp, which is known as Cong Troi (Gate to Heaven). There are no trails whatsoever in the regions. One can reach nowhere but the Gate to Heaven! A camp cadre once told Nhat Tran :"Your life is worth a sheet of a student’s notebook!" He only told the truth. The Communists don’t kill the political prisoners. They only starve them and enslave them into hopelessness, instilling in their minds the idea that they will not survive their prison term and will only bury their lives in there. In truth, many healthy inmates became insane; many others perished out of hopelessness, still, others died because of torture and harsh endurance

 

Solitary Confinement

 

Major Pham Sy became blind during the time he served solitary confinement. He was cooped up in a tight-shut cell of 1, 8 in length and 0.60 m width. It was pitch-dark inside. His eyes got so intently accustomed to the darkness in the cell that he lost eyesight when he came into contact again with the light. It was the most terrifying kind of cell. The floor was rained down with cement mixed with salt. When it is hot, the floor moistens, excruciating your body with sweat and your throat with stiffness. The prisoner under solitary confinement often could not resist pain and fainted. With hands and feet tied crosswise to the back, he laid there on his stomach, waiting for death. He wasn’t allow to have visitors. Each day he was given a small bowl of rice and water mixed with a lot of salt. The more one drinks it, the faster the stomach constricts!



Colonel Vo Dai Ton intimated to his readers in Tam Mau Den (The Bath in Black Blood) that the bitterest memory and cruelest punishment at the camp is loneliness. For more than 10 years under solitary detention, he had never been allowed to expose himself to live activity. Day and night, he was cooped up alone in the cell. Emptiness exerts on one’s nerves, makes one lose one’s mind, and drives one to insanity. As always, food was awful: only rice and salt. Tediousness and hunger filled his heart with despair. Worse still, the inmate was toyed with the camp authority’s tricks. He was never allowed to write to his family. There was no news from home. Only now and then, they showed him the picture of his wife and children. And, in an instant, they pulled it away-- a real piercing stroke of torture!


Humiliation to the reeducated is another common practice in a reeducation camp. At the opening of each session of political indoctrination, the instructor read aloud all the letters sent to camp from the prisoners’ relatives. He would not miss a single detail in the letter, even the most intimate and confidential feature, regardless of the annoyance of the audience! The cadre pretended to ignore the most common practice of courtesy-- to respect the formula of private courtesy that a man of decency should observe. Or, he might think that form of politeness would only be a kind of corrupted social conduct of the bourgeoisie and petty-bourgeoisie, and a Communist would not care!

 

Artful Tricks

 

Dr. Nguyen Quoc Quan, Chairman of the International Committee for the Vietnam High-Tide Movement for Humanism, informed in August 1994 that the Hanoi administration avenged on his brother, Dr. Nguyen Dan Que, a prisoner of conscience. Hanoi had failed to compromise with Dr. Nguyen Dan Que on an agreement in the preparation for a meeting between Dr. Nguyen Dan Que and U.S. Senator Charles Robb. Nevertheless, on August 29, Dr. Nguyen Dan Que, was successful in sending a short note to the senator. The note stressed the fact that the Hanoi police was trying to take revenge on him. They were up to tricks and repressive measures against the political prisoner, having failed to make arrangements between Senator Charles Robb and him.The fact is before his visit to Vietnam in August 1955, Senator Charles Robb had sent a letter to Le Van Bang, the Ambassador of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam to the United States of America, informing him that he wanted to meet Dr. Nguyen Dan Que and give him medicine and a letter from his brother, Dr. Nguyen Quoc Quan. The said ambassador promised he could satisfy the request. Nevertheless, the Communist authority in Vietnam denied the senator’s request to visit the camp.

 

Correspondence

 

No prisoner has the right to direct contact with his family. Correspondence without consent or permission following the censure of the camp authorities is completely forbidden. On the Tet Day (Lunar New Year’s Day) and the Labor Day --May 1--, the prisoner is allowed to send a letter to his family, provided that his letter be strictly conformed with the prison’s superintendent’s instructions and follow the three following topics: 1) I am well (regardless of what physical condition the prisoner’ is in); 2) The Government is merciful to me (for all my wrong-doings; and 3) At home, you must obey the orders of the Government, which is so generous to us (Washington Area League for Human Rights, 1978: 17).



The mail content must be expressed in a polite form, showing political faith in the regime. There are also regulations for mail writing with which the prisoner has to comply. The regulations specify, among other things, that the mail content must not be written in a foreign language, that it must not disclose the name of the location of the camp, and that it must not contain any complaint or order in any form. Finally, it must be censured, by the camp wardens. Under strict control, the prisoner always seeks to convey his hidden ideas on hints in his letter to his family.



Mails leaving camp that are not censured by the camp authorities constitutes a serious violation of the camp’s regulations, and the writer is subject to discipline. All other deviations from discipline in this matter are met with solitary confinement, which is coupled with punishment --hands and feet in fetters in a dark cell.


Following is the content of a letter of a prisoner who developed beriberi:


"My Dear ...



I’m very well. You and the children don’t have to worry about me. I work happily during the daytime. I no longer spend a fast life or drink as I did years ago. Moreover, the Revolution really cares for me, mentally and spiritually. I’m getting fat now. Today, the Revolution grants me a favor, allowing me to write to you, telling you that I can receive from you a three-kilogram package of food and medicine for additional use. To tell you the truth, I practically don’t need anything. But, if possible, send me the following items: 1) 3 packs of tobacco; 2) 2 kgs of raw sugar; and 1 kg of brown sugar mixed in lime juice. And, of most importance, Vitamin B1, the largest capsules.



Nguyen Van A



P.S. Absolutely, no salt food. Specifically, I don’t like meat. Again, 3 kgs only. otherwise, we will violate the camp’s regulations. The best thing to do is to read carefully the official announcement in the newspaper."


Ha Thuc Sinh remarked that, by applying the strict measures of control, the camp wardens exploited to the fullest the prisoner’s obedience, to grant the least favor in exchange for the prisoner’s absolute submission. An full bowl of rice or a little more plain, rice soup, or a vague promise to be allowed receive a package of food of more than 3 kgs would make a credulous inmate a spy for the camp authorities! Such a favor is also tenable enough for fellow prisoners to kill each other with ruse and tricks (Ha Thuc Sinh, Blood University, 1993:253-261)

 

Visits



 
Mrs. Tran Thi Thuc, Dr. Doan Viet Hoat’s wife, in her letter of May 13, 1994, presented to the Vietnamese Communist Party leadership and government the consequences of the unjust arrest and trial of her husband. She equally denounced the incidents of hardship her husband suffered under imprisonment. Still, she herself was subject to all troubles and restrictions and interdiction from the camp authorities, Having traveled thousands of kilometers, she was sent from one camp to another and not allowed to see her husband. The letter specified, in part:



"Recently, I and my son have undergone so many difficulties to travel as fas Nam Ha (Ba Sao Camp) to visit and supply my husband with some provisions. My son and I reached the camp on May 1, 1994, exhausted after a long journey of thousands of kilometers from far away in the South. Nevertheless, we were informed by the authorities of the Ba Sao camp that my husband had been transferred to Thanh Cam Camp, Thanh Hoa Province, which is approximately 200 kilometers from Ba Sao Camp. We had to resign ourselves to go away, guessing our way to Thanh Cam. On May 2, we arrived at Thanh Cam, but the camp authorities resolutely denied my request, not allowing me to see my husband. They only agreed to hand over our gift of 3 kgs to my husband. Finally, I had to content myself to leave the gift at the camp. office. I had to ask them to hand it over to my husband. After a week-long journey, I was not allowed to see my husband, even for a minute!


In this letter, I would like to extend to you my strongest protest, as far as my husband’s imprisonment is concerned, for the following reasons: 1). The Ministry for the Interior continually transfers my husband from one camp to another and farther and farther in the distant forest 0f severe climate --Ham Tan, Xuan Phuoc, Ba Sao,Thanh Cam-- and have him detained among dangerous criminals; 2) Doan Viet Hoat has never been convicted with a forced labor sentence. Therefore, he has the right to refuse to perform heavy work, such as rock breaking. Then, why have the camp boards of administration disciplined him, coercively, placing him under solitary confinement; 3). My husband has a history of severe kidney stones. My family needs to follow up his health condition regularly. Yet, he has continually been transferred from one place to another. We have not heard any news about him, and when we can come to his place of detention, we are not allowed to see him. Then, how can we conclude that he is safe, as far as his health is concerned?"



Visits by international personalities are often blocked and denied. On August 10, 1994, the American Human Rights activist David Phillips of U. S. Congressional Human Rights Foundation was debarred from entering Vietnam. The activist flew to Vietnam and arrived at Tan Son Nhat Airport on August 8, 1994. He was denied the entry permission by the officials at the airport. He had with him a rights prize awarded to Dr. Nguyen Dan Que by the human rights foundation Raoul Wallenberg. Dr. Nguyen had not been allowed to come to the United States to receive the award. The activist was also not allowed to meet with the Vietnamese authorities to discuss the human rights situation in Vietnam.



Visits to camps by international personalities was kept a dead secret until the last minute. An occasion as such comforts the prisoner and helps him invigorate faith to face trials of hardship while in the prison. Tran Manh Quynh happened to have a chance to reveal his heart when the Honorable James Christ Smith came to see him at the Chi Hoa Prison:



"That morning (Friday, October 12, 1993), they brought me to see Mr. James Curtis Smith, Consul-general and Counselor for Consular Affairs at U.S. Embassy in Thailand, at the meeting room in Chi Hoa Prison, Saigon. There was mystery about the visit. I have not been aware of anything about it. I was granted the haircut to shave without my asking for it. I was told to change clothes . I was allowed to see my family member. By that time, my mother was visiting Vietnam. I was really excited. She might want to see me before she came back to the United States, on November 13, 1993. I guessed the prison authorities probably granted her a favor so that she would say something advantageous to the regime. There were, in fact, important points which I had openly expressed in court during my trial and which are disadvantageous to it. .. While we were talking, security policemen of this tyrannical stood all around, the room watching; they could not prevent me from telling the truth.



In this report, I wish to express my gratitude to the Government of the United States and the World for their concerns over the fate of thousands of political prisoners who have been under detention by this tyrannical regime. The impertinent statements by SRVN Foreign Affairs Undersecretary Le Mai were completely untrue. They came out of infantile tricks and vile deceit and can only be instrumental in beguiling the World.



Mr. Janes Curtis Struble told me if I wish he would be willing help me to present the facts I had disclosed to him to my family, the Vietnamese communities, the U. S. Congress, and the World,. I replied: "Yes, I certainly do." He gave me a piece of paper on which I jotted down the kinds of activities and other incidents I had disclosed to him. When I was about to sign the testament, the group of security police present at the meeting stopped me to do so. (Tran Manh Quynh, A Report. 1994, 8)

 

A Protest

 

The Committee on Human Rights in Paris reported from reliable sources inside Vietnam that the supervisors at A20 Camp duped the U. N. Human Rights Action Team led by the Honorable Louis Joinet when they visited the camp on October 28, 1994.



The camp was located in Phu Yen Province, commonly known as the Death Valley where 2,000 graves of prisoners stood around it. These graves were the evidences of the deaths of the victims of intolerance. They were the prisoners of conscience and political prisoners who died from maltreatment from 1976 to 1987.



Sources from inside Vietnam reported on the developments of a revolt inside the camp during the visit of the international delegation to the camp. They specifically recounted that at 10:30 p, m. October 28, 1994, the supervisors at the A20 Camp ordered all the prisoners, including ailing ones, to leave the camp without delay. Before that, a group of prisoners had been transferred to another camp. Still, a group of prisoners among whom were the monks Thich Tue Sy Pham Van Thuong, Thich Phuoc Vien Le Hien, Thich Tam Can Nguyen Huu Tin, and another group of political prisoners including Pham Van Thanh, Le Hoan Son, Pham Anh Dung, and Nguyen Ngoc Dang were isolated and put under strict control.



At 16:00., the U. N. Human Rights Team arrived at the camp. They requested the camp’s board of supervisors to see the prisoners at the eight rows of houses of the camp. The request was not met, because "the prisoners had been moved from the camp to rescue the flood victims in the Mekong Delta." The visitors could only see the four typical categories of inmates in the camp. They were all healthy and neatly dressed. As a matter of fact, they praised the Party’s policy of leniency to the prisoners. The visit lasted two hours. During this time, electricity at the camp was cut. The prisoners were ordered not to make noise to create an atmosphere of silence and emptiness



At 22:00., the prisoners were moved back to camp. They did not realize there had been a visit of a U. N. team to the camp. They had missed a chance to see the international delegation and present to it the severe measures the camp’s board supervisors had executed against them. Like a flash of light, the news of a visit of a U. N. team electrified the whole camp the following morning. Indignant over the camp’s trick on them, the prisoners rose up in a revolt against the camp’s authorities.



The violent protest was nevertheless flattened out instantly. All 250 prisoners who had heated up the protest were called in the camp’s office for interrogation. Eighty-seven others were quieted down and subjected to the camp’s discipline.



Resistance persisted, nonetheless. At 20:00 of the same day, the political prisoner Pham Van Thanh announced the start of a hunger strike. Confronting an all-out open protest, the camp’s board in coordination with the military mobilized the prison wardens and the local troops to crack down on the protesters. There were gunshots, and many prisoners were wounded. The following morning, Pham Van Thanh was cooped up with hands and feet in fetters in a separate cell. The hunger strike still lasted seven days that followed and ended up in the brutal repression on other individual prisoners of the security police.



The political prisoner Tran Van Thanh exalted his wrath against the regime in strong terms. He challenged the tyrannical regime, demanding it to free thousands of political prisoners, and not just 585, as the press abroad claimed. It must respect and carry out the provisions as prescribed in the International Bill of Human Rights. The violations of these rights would cause his fellow compatriots suffer more injustices and isolate them from the world in the quest for peace and social stability. He also demanded it to realize democracy and bring welfare to the people. He expressed confidence in the struggle for freedom and democracy of patriotic associations and organizations. He called for the support of the people and the world in this endeavor.

 

Demands

 

A victim of continual solitary confinement, Professor Doan Viet Hoat had repeatedly expressed concerns about the deplorable conditions of life in the reeducation camp. In his request sent to the central Communist administration in October 1992, the professor suggested to it a plan of practical of rehabilitation. He pointed out such objectives as:



"1- To establish a national commission to inspect the living conditions in the prisons and camps. This commission should work independently from all administrative organs in charge in matters of organization and administration of the prisons and camps. It should be placed and works with authority within the legislative and administrative supervision of the National Assembly and of the Prime Minister. It should be vested with the responsibility to inspect and study the situations at all prisons and camps and impart recommendations for implementation,



2- To review all legal documents regarding organization and management in all prisons and camps as well as the implementation for better living conditions for the inmate. Any infringement on the spirit or content of the current Constitution must be rectified, and



3- While awaiting for due rehabilitation, an immediate mandate for the implementation for working and living conditions should be realized. Prison and camp conditions need to be improved and pernicious measures and punitive methods be substituted with cooperative participation through education."

 

Doubts

 

Captain Ho Nguyen expressed doubts about the willingness on the part of the Communist regime. Any promise, if any, is mere rhetoric:



"Whoever believes in what the Communist administration has promised will only live in despair. They promised to carry out the policy of leniency and national reconciliation and concord but practiced discrimination, repression, and violence, instead. Some people say that the new regime has employed the civil servants of the old regime, except the reeducated. That’s not true. Only the specialists and experts can be. Employees in the new personnel --workers and the civil personnel-- are largely recruited among the relatives of the cadres with power or through the recommendation of party members. In a special case, an engineer is called back to work in a factory or firm. The Vice-director of the Cogido Paper Mill at Bien Hoa is a case in point.



We should remember that the Communist administration never tolerate the old puppet military and civil personnel. The new contingent thus necessarily comprises adherents to or associates with Communist-affiliated organizations and the cadres with good political backgrounds. Professionalism doesn’t matter. One can be sent to the in-job training schools for complementary cultural education. A short-term course of this type would be good for a cadre to be assigned to even the position of leadership in a factory, firm, or office." (Van Chuong. VNHRW. 10 (June 1992))


 

Comments

 

Le Thanh, a high-ranking officer of the pre-1975 Armed Forces of the Republic of Vietnam who had been detained in camp for 13 and a half years, commented on the conduct of affairs of the totalitarian regime as follows:



"Now, we aren’t in a time the savages reigned the society and repression is no longer instrumental in shaping the human life. and society. The genocide tragedy that developed under the Pol Pot regime only reflects the ideological principles and practices of primitive communism. We are now in the last decade of the 20th century when international commitments are to be duly carried out. The Communists must respect the rights of man --to treat the prisoners with decency. The Communist administration must, under any circumstances, abide by the international laws and treaties, and particularly, the provisions as stipulated in U. N. International Bill of Human Rights by which it pledged to abide when it was admitted to U. N. membership (Trung Tan. VNHW 9 (April 1992).



The writer Nhat Tran described the situation in which he and his fellow reeducated was about to be released from Cong Troi Camp, Hoang Lien Son, North Vietnam:



"Under the Communist regime like Vietnam, to be released from the camp is almost an impossibility to any prisoner. Even at the moment when his name is called out from the list, he would still be stunned and couldn’t believe his ears. Even the reality could not be real to him. The bare truth is that when the names of 34 prisoners from the list were called out, only 32 of them stepped out.. The two absentees had died a year before that!"

 

Is He Really Free ?



In his memoirs Blood University, the writer Ha Thuc Sinh ended his book with a living scene near a stream running across the Ham Tan reeducation camp. The author and his fellow inmates had just got their temporary release permit. They celebrated the event by taking a bath right in the stream where the camp stood before leaving. Seeing the inmates happily enjoying themselves, a camp security guard shouted at them:



- Hey! you prisoner rascals, which battalion and which ward do you belong? Why are you still having a bath at this time?

-Dear cadre, we’ve been released. We’re free ...

The guard intercepted:

-Watch your tongue! How dare you address to a cadre in such a manner? Do you think that you are already free?



Ha Thuc Sinh concluded his memoirs at this point. The last question in the dialogue had no reply. However, it was literally and textually registered in the book for the readership to contemplate. Every now and then, a communist made a slip of his tongue for a question. Quite a few people are nevertheless unaware of it. If they are aware of it, the would save so much time, paper and ink, and blood (Ha Thuc Sinh. Dai Hoc Mau. (3rd edition) California: Tu Quynh, 1993:821).



 

ADMINISTRATIVE SURVEILLANCE


 

A prison term to a political prisoner given by the People’s Court

is routinely coupled with an additional term of administrative surveillance. Nguyen Thi Diep, a female Buddhist, described how the Most Venerable Thich Quang Do of the Vietnam Unified Buddhist Church lived under the administrative surveillance.



"Vu Thu isn’t the home village of the Most Venerable Quang Do. I myself had to visit him in secret. Acting as if I were his niece, I was successful in passing the control of the local police. I had a contact with him through the help of a cadre, who is one of my relatives. At first, the Most Venerable seemed to be embarrassed since I’m really not his niece. But, he soon realized that I was his visitor. He told me to wait for him in a small thatch house. He went to the pond nearby to wash his face, but, in reality, he observed the place to see if there was anyone spying on him.



The Most Venerable Thich Quang Do was given 13 kgs of rice a month. He had to trade some portion of the supply for salt and household commodities. But, since 1986, under the contract system, the local authorities had ceased giving him his monthly rice supply only. He was allocated a piece of land to grow crops to support himself (Thien Nhan.VNHRW 39 (January 1995).



The writer Nhat Tran recalled:



."A week before his release, the inmate’s family in the South is summoned to the local security police office to be informed of the news. In reality, they are warned of their liability for any act of activity that is considered as wrong the reeducated while he is under surveillance back home. For the reeducated, he had to report himself with the local security police office. There, the authority verifies the release document which will be used in replacement of an identity card for movement in or outside his home. He had to present to them a monthly report in which all his daily activities were to be described (Nguyen Tri, VNHRW 40 (February 1995)).



Dinh Phu commented on the administrative Surveillance policy:


"Anyone released from camp is subject without exception to administrative surveillance. The term varies with the local authorities’ rules and according to their whims and wishes. In the Inter-zone V (central Vietnam) --Quang Nam, Quang Nghia, Binh Dinh, and Phu Yen provinces-- where I belonged, the regulations were stricter. I was placed unde the administrative surveillance for three years. I had to keep a diary. I had to note everything I did and thought of during the day. I reported myself at the village security police office at the end of every month. I was of summoned to report myself at this office without prior notice. Oftentimes, there was an interrogation.



At each interrogation, they threatened me so as to force myself to avow either to have had some kind of connection with certain ex-prisoners or anti-Communist elements or to have engaged in any subversive activities operated by them. They encouraged me to disclose any plan of escape from the country by these people or incidents treason of which I might know. They invented stories of anti-Communist activities to trap me in. I wasn’t easily taken by their lies. And they knew it. I was strictly controlled by a network of local undercover agents.

Having threatened me in vain, they allured me into cooperating with them. The security police captain Nguyen Trong A of Mo Duc District, Quang Ngai Province, Central Vietnam, once promised to grant me privileges if I offered myself to join him in his false counterrevolutionary plan. spying on an assumed anti-Communist organization or an attempt of evasion of ex-prisoners. I refused, saying that I am old and in poor health and thus I am fit for the job (Van Chuong, 41 (March 1995)).



Mai A, a WAAC Major, a Saigon resident disclosed the secrets of her heart:



"I myself totally lost and desperate since I did not know how to start my life again. Neither did my colleagues. Being a former WAAC lieutenant in the Air Force, Ms. Y. who had been a student for four years at United States university, committed suicide by drinking soda mixed with optalidon pills. She died in her sleep when she was only 25 years old. The reason for her death is understandable. Having been released from the camp after two years under detention, she came to the Ho Chi Minh City Department of Health and applied for a job. She was assigned to a job-- to work at the distant rain forest of Xuan Moc. Seeing there was little chance to survive there, she decided to kill herself.



As for me, I graduated from the French School of Special Services, Centre Caritas, 38 Tu Xuong Street, Saigon. I also applied for job at the Ho Chi Minh City Department of Health. The reply was the department did not know of any job or position to which I could be assigned. They then sent me to work at an agricultural farm. The job, I thought, would practically help me to convert myself to become a member of the working class. Moreover, I had freshly returned from reeducation. With no other choice, I accepted the job. I had to do this so that my four children and I would not be forced to go and live in anew economic zone as did many families of the reeducated."



Mai A believed that, in the negotiations with U. S. delegates to allow veteran political prisoners to leave the country on the Orderly Departures Programs, the Vietnamese Communists aimed to achieve a twofold purpose. One, they want to prove to the World that, like the Americans, they themselves are humane. Two ,by allowing the political prisoner to leave the country, they will probably clean out an overlaying dangerous political opposition. So long as a great number of officials and officers of the old regime still stay in Vietnam, they will likely either face a boost a revolt against the regime or an anti-Communist alliance of veteran political prisoners with overseas hostile elements to overthrow the regime. (Trung Tan, VNHRW 42 (April 1995).

 

Discrimination

 

Political discrimination, Colonel Le Thanh, the former Governor of Da Nang- Quang Nam, observed, is very strong. In many cases, a private, a sergeant, a second lieutenant, a teacher, a priest, a writer, or even a businessman could be detained in the camp for ten years. if he was a prominent personality whose prestige may influence the population in the local area, and he is likely a danger to the Communist regime, he could be held in the camp a much longer period. Once he has been released from the camp, the prisoner, regardless of his social status, is arbitrarily placed under the control of the local police or confined in some other areas.



There was no surprise when the Communists managed to employ some old members of administrative personnel of the Republic of Vietnam. They only want to maintain the status quo. They needed them to normalize the public administration. However, after they had stabilized their control over the administrative systems, they gradually replaced the officials of the old political regime with the cadres from the North. The officials of the old regime would then be dismissed from office. Regarding the specialists and experts, the Communists employed only those whom they consider the most essential to their system. They are most concerned about the State workers and officials and party members loyal to them. They don’t practically need people with a creative mind. They particularly need people who carry out with complete obedience their commandments and orders. Who among the reeducated would the Communists employ?"



Major Pham Sy, a resident of Thang Binh District, Quang Nam Province, explicated:



"After the Communist takeover of the South Vietnam, ranking officials and officers of the Republic of Vietnam were summoned to the concentration camps. The Armed Forces were disbanded. Most rank and file officials of the lower ranks stayed with new regime. although they were unwilling to work under it. Only the number of opportunists showed eagerness to serve it . At every level of the new administration, there appeared gangs of opportunists, the so-called the revolutionary of April 30, that voluntarily exploited the situation of people in troubled times to make profits at the expense of the alone and helpless. They were mostly corner-boys or hooligans, who wore red bands to control the traffic and managed services at the offices. They served the Communist troopers in the local administration to control the people. They were truly the executioners of the new rule!, And, there was no place in this administration for the true vanquished!"


Captain Ho Nguyen,, a resident at Tu Nghia Precinct , Quang Ngai Province, expressed doubts about the so-called policy of leniency and national reconciliation of the Vietnamese Communist Party:

"Anyone who has said that the Vietnamese Communist administration has carried out a policy of leniency and national reconciliation is dead wrong. Some people even has said that the Communist government has employed all the civil servants of the old regime. except those who are summoned to camps for reeducation are equally silly. That’s totally untrue. Only a small number of civil servants, specialists, and most needed experts among the reeducated were employed in the new administration. A few experts were called back from a reeducation camp to work in an dusty shop or firm. The then vice-director at the Ha Tien Cogido Paper Mill, for instance. They stayed on the job only for a time then were then back to the camp. We should also remember that the new regime has recruited a new contingent of working personnel. Most of them are their collaborators during the war, members of the State-affiliated organs or the cadres’ relatives with good political backgrounds."


Major Pham Hai, a Catholic of Vuon Soai Parish, Third Precinct, Saigon, who had been detained in various camp for 11 years,, confided that he was ever regarded a dangerous element to the regime. He was constantly spied on by local agents who frequented his home any time. He had to keep a diary --to record all his daily activities, which were often crossed checked with the reports on file at the local police by secret agents in his neighborhood. Permission for movement outside home could only be given when his rights as citizen be granted. Until he and his family members were allowed to go to settle in the United States on the Orderly Departure Program in 1992, after six years following his release from camp, he had never received the citizen title. All through this time, the family survived on the meager salary of his wife.



Le Thanh explained the reason for which the reeducated was placed under surveillance:



"As is known, the Communists always isolate personalities of the old regime from the people for the fear that their influence could again take root in the population and thus engender possible political opposition against the regime, a danger that is likely to happen at any time in Communist Vietnam. It’s not owing to the policy of renovation that took place after the Sixth Vietnamese Communist Party Congress (1986) that the officials and officers of the old regime could be treated leniently. It could only came out of fear! We should also keep in mind that he officials and officers of the Republic of Vietnam are, to the Communists, the lackeys of the imperialists and the enemies of the people. They could only treated leniently --to allow the educated and their families to leave the country on the ODP-- after episodes of constant intervention and under the persistent pressure of human rights agencies. Being fearful of isolation from the world and suffering financial aids cuts by Western democratic countries, which are desperately needed to sustain the debilitated economy, the Communists had to loosen their grip on the officials and officers of the old regime (Trung Tan. VNHRW 43 (May 1995).

Sunday, November 17, 2013

THE REEDUCATION CAMPS


 
 

Executions --Trials by the People’s Court



 

While officials and officers of the civil and military personnel of the puppet administration were undergoing registration for reeducation, rumors of and reports on the execution of traitors in the liberated areas reached Saigon. In the suburban area of Cau Son and Hang Xanh areas, Gia Dinh Province, dead bodies of RVN cadres and officials attributed as traitors were seen with hands tied and mouths agape drifting along the canals towards Saigon River. Trials of crimes by the People’s Court of the Revolution tool place here and there. The scenario was the same: a platform, a table, three judges, red flags, and a criminal coming forward to confess his crimes against the people. That was the case of Le Trinh, a policeman on the Special Police Forces in Quang Ngai (April 17, 1975), of Le Van Hoi, block leader in Fourteenth Ward of Binh Hoa District (June 19, 1975), and of a certain puppet by the name Tuy, the village leader in Tan Qui Dong, Nha Be District (July 4, 1975).



The traitors who were brought to stand trials before the People’s Court were described as the "debtors of blood to the people." by the new authorities. Many of them had not turned up for registration for fear of reprisals, and, therefore, were forced to confess their crimes during the People's accusations. The journal Saigon Giai Phong (Saigon Liberated) assigned these processes as trials. Others registered the incidents and portrayed those confessors of crimes as criminals. Debtors of blood to the people and criminals |deserved to serve treatment harsher than the normal hoc tap cai tao (reeducation reform). There were, of course, no written laws or precise criteria by which one could establish the degree of the crime or the extent to which a penalty could be defined.



In general, those who "owed debts of blood to the people" and, at the same time, had committed counterrevolutionary acts after April 30, 1975 suffered the more serious consequences. The authorities made no secret of these cases. And, certainly, one of the reasons for which Saigon Giai Phong regularly published in its new items such as the following report, from July 12,1975, to discourage other obstinate elements from committing similar crimes:



"The tribunal of the Military Management Committee of Chau Doc, as a case in point, has tried and sentenced to death Le Nhat Thanh, former puppet lieutenant, who had committed many crimes against the people, hiding himself from public after the Liberation, and committing numerous acts of sabotage against the Revolution. Denounced by the population and arrested by the security forces, he was found in possession of six pistols. The revolutionary authorities tried to educate him, but, since he remained obstinate, the tribunal that took place in the presence of the thousand people sentenced him to death and confiscated all his property.’



 

Reeducation Camps and Prisons

 
 

The system of reeducation and comprised approximately 150 camps and prisons. They were most notorious for comprehensive brainwashing and bestial treatment. Among them were the Quyet Tien Camp known as Cong Troi (Gate to Heaven) in Hoang Lien Son Province run by the most sadistic irrational bureaucratic wardens; Lien trai I in Yen Bay where 13, 500 prisoners interned in 54 camps; Thanh Liet (B4) in Ha Son Binh Province; Nam Ha (Ba Sao) Camp in Ha Nam Ninh Province held; an estimate of 4,000 inmates, mostly ARVN officers and religious personalities. The prisoners did hard work on starvation. The use of torture was common. Thanh Phong (K1, K2), Thanh Lam (K3), Thanh Cam (K4), and Thanh Son (K5) in Thanh Hoa Province; Gia Trung, and Pleibong (T15) in Lam Dong Province; Xuan Phuoc (A20) in Phu Yen Province; Phu Khanh (A30), Cia Trung, Gia Lai - Kontum, 5,000 prisoners including RVN officers and officials, civilians. criminals, and FULRO members; Ham Tan (Z30c, Z30D) in Thuan Hai Province; 4,000 prisoners including priests, religious leaders, and female personnel in the ARVN; Long Thanh, Dong Nai Province, with 4,000 prisoners housed with criminals; Phuoc Long, Vuon Dao, Tien Giang Province 1,800 prisoners; Xuyen Moc, Dong Nai, 4,500 prisoners including political leaders; Song Be Province, with an estimated 3,000-4,000 prisoners, mostly ARVN officers; Ben Gia, Cuu Long Province, 1,800 prisoners; three camps: Bau Co, Cay Cay, and Ka Tum Tay Ninh Province, with a thousand of prisoners each; Thu Duc Camps including Z30 complex, 10,000 prisoners, male and female, . and Chi Hoa and Phan Dang Luu prisons in Saigon where the most reactionary elements were incarcerated.



The prisoners were also interned in the prisons. Not only did former prisons remained in use, but new ones were constructed, and other buildings were transformed into prisons and camps to hold the growing number of prisoners At Cay Cay Camp, Tay Ninh Province. where Cao Dai leaders, officers and women from nursing health sectors were held, the camp authorities used torture tiger cages and executions as a means of repression. At Ha Ray Camp, Dong Nai Province, 4,000 were held. K1,2,3 contained officers of the VNAF and K7, police officers; Camp A, members of the old administration; and Camp B, Catholic priests. .Camp A20 in Xuan Phuoc, Phu Khanh Province, for instance, was enlarged and divided into eight separate sections. One building was demolished to be added with more cells. One building was used as a warehouse and clinics. Six remaining sections housed an average of 80 people each, allowing approximately 70 square centimeters per person. Phan Dang Luu prison in Saigon, under the old regime held 200 inmates. It then had 2,000 prisoners behind its walls.


The prisoners were classified into three categories: the most fortunate, the less fortunate, and the least fortunate. The most fortunate were housed in cells built by the French more than 30 years before that, measuring 20 meters long by 5 meters wide. The front and back walls of the cell were filled with bars allowing the circulation of air. The prisoners had to provide their of water supply. Under the former regime, these cells contained 20-25 inmates each. Under the new regime, 60-70 prisoners were crammed into each cell. There were 8 cells, which formed Zone A of the prison. The less fortunate were crowded in the newly constructed zones, C1, C2, and B, that had originally built by the Republic of Vietnam Secret Police. Each cell measured 8 meters in length 5 meters in width, and 3.50 in height. The ceiling was covered with only a sheet of corrugated iron, creating an unbearable temperature. All sides were blocked, and the only air supply for all 30-40 prisoners came from an air vent in the wall measuring 10 cm x 15 cm. There was no water supply. The least fortunate were thrown into dungeons measuring 2m long, 1m wide, and 2m high. Air could only come through a hole measuring 10 cm x 15 cm. Prisoners were kept handcuffed with the left foot attached to the left hand. These cells were reserved for new arrivals and for those who committed some breach in discipline (Area League for Human Rights, 1978: 17).

 
 

Camp Conditions


 
 

Punishment was bestial in all reeducation camps and prisons. Camp and prison officials used bestial forms of punishment such as detention in living graves, tiger cages, and dark cells, and torture with steel-bars, interrogations with torture for confessions of crimes such as shacking, fatal beatings, and executions



"Anyone who was caught when trying to escape from camp was shot on sight. Accomplices are dragged in and judged in the presence of other prisoners. They are executed on the spot to set an example. Usually, they are bludgeoned on the sides of their feet and left lying on the ground and preyed upon by swarms of flies and ants until they died. Another common practice is chaining the victim to a jeep, dragging him around town until he dies like in the Italian Westerns! This was the fate of the prisoners who took part in the uprising on the second day of the 1078 Tet (New Year’s Days) in the center of Ben Tre.



Many officials at reeducation camps used executions a means of repression, especially at such camps as Ben Gia, Cay Cay, Dong Nai,, Gia Trung, Ba Sao, Phu Khanh Quang Nam, Trang Bom,, Vuon Dao, and Xuyen Moc.Two twenty-five prive prisoners were reportedly executed near Dinh Ong Mountain, Phu Khanh Province. Witnesses testified the witnessing of a bloody massacre at Phu Khanh. On April these 375 victims were massacred at the different locations: Lu Ba, Ho Ngua, Tho Vuc, Cay Xop, and Cau Dai. Reliable sources reported that a Communist Lieutenant gave the Chief of Dinh Thanh Camp a list of 225 individuals resigned to reeducation in Ho Chi Minh City. These individuals were subsequently tied together removed to Lu Ba Hill and were killed with automatic rifles and submachine guns. The first to die was Dang Thanh Thuc, former Chief of Hoa Thanh Village, and the last Nguyen Thang, a stallf ,ember of the Rural Area Education Program.



The interviews with former prisoners of Washington Area League for Human Rights (1978) and Aurora Foundation (1984) revealed the following incidents: Lieutenant Colonel Pham Ba Thanh was executed in that way at Long Thanh Camp, Bien Hoa Province. Lt. Phong and Capt. Quan Quang Thanh were shot to death at Vuon Dao Camp for allegedly attempting to escape in February 1979. At Cay Cay Camp, Lt. Mai Duy Hanh was killed with shots from a K54 pistol by a cadre when he complained about his treatment. Sgt. Vo Tan Tai who was wounded while attempting to escape was brought back to the camp and shot to death.



Major Nguyen Thanh Tham, detained for 13 years in various reeducation camps, reported in an interview with Vietnam Human Rights Watch that he knew as an witness the cases of execution of Lt. Col. Vo Vang, Lt. Ha Thuc Long. and Capt. Nguyen Dien. Lt. Col. Vo Vang was maliciously executed when he was sent to clear forest at Bong Mieu, Ky Son, Quang Nam Province, in 1976. He was separated from his work team and ordered by a camp warden to go with him in another direction. Fifteen minutes after that, three gunshots were heard. Back at camp in that evening the warden reported that Vo Vang tried to escape and was shot dead! Lt. Ha Thuc Long was shot dead in a similar situation at Ky Son in 1977. After an abortive plan to escape from the camp, Air Force Capt. Nguyen Dien was secretly executed in An Dien, Quang Nam Province in 1979.



Various sources reported cases of execution and death of the military and civilian personnel of the old Republic of Vietnam and political prisoners at the time and the period after the Communist takeover of South Vietnam. The Vietnamese Federation of Veteran Prisoners (1995) in San Jose, California U. S. A., compiled 718 cases of executions and deaths at the camps and prisons. Although the causes of death were not specified, in most cases, statistics show: 165 (22,98%) of 718 prisoners were reportedly executed at the camps; 72 (10%) died as a result of hard labor and lack of medical treatment or of cold and starvation; 31 (4.3%) committed suicide; 33 (4.59%) were murdered or tortured to death; and 24 (3.62) died soon after release from the camp.



Among those prisoners who died for unspecified reasons were Prof. Vo Van Hai of Da Lat University; Hon. Trinh Quoc Khanh of Hoa Hao Buddhism; Sen. Tran The Minh; Prof. Ta Quang Hoi alias Ta Nguyen Minh, the Leader of the Dai Viet Quoc Gia Xa Hoi (Greater Vietnam National Social Party; Nguyen Van Thai alias Thai Nam, a leader of the Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang (National Party of Vietnam), Hon. Phan Ba Cam, Secretary-general, Viet Nam Dan Xa Dang (Vietnam Democratic Social Party); Congressman Bui Minh Nghia; Lieutenant General Lam Thanh Nguyen; Hon. Nguyen Manh Nhu, Presiding Judge of the Court of Appeal; Sen. Son Thai Nguyen; Major General Doan Van Quang; the Lawyer Tran Van Tuyen; Fr. Nguyen Quang Minh; Hon. Nguyen Ba Luong, Chairman, the House of Representatives; Hon. Vu Tien Tuan, Presiding Judge of the Supreme Court; Rev. Bguyen Van Thang of the Evangelical Churches; Hon. Duong Duc Thuy, Secretary of Justice; and Dinh Van Bien, party member, Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang.


Among those prisoners who were executed without a trial were Prof. Tran Thanh Dinh, the Principal of Nhan Chu High School, Saigon and party member of Duy Dan Party (Vietnam National Party); Col. Ho Ngoc Can, Province Chief, Chuong Thien Province; Le Quang Cho, Village Chief; Doan Van Chau, cadre, Rural Rehabilitation Center, Lt. Col. Duong, National Police; Capt. Doi, Company Leader, Regional Forces; Councilman Hieu of Kien Hoa Province; the Lawyer Nguyen Van Huyen, Appeal Court of Saigon; Nguyen Van Nghiem, Leader, National Restoration Forces; Vo Van Nghi, member, National Front for the Liberation of Vietnam; Tran Quang Pho, civilian, Lt. Col. Le Chon Tinh, Hoa Hao Buddhism; Nguyen Duy Tam, Canton Chief; Thai Van Ut, Master Sergeant, Vietnam Armed Forces; Non. Nguyen Duc Xich, Province Deputy-chief, Bien Hoa Province; Pham Van Ung. Village Chief; Lt. Nguyen Ngoc Thanh; Nguyen Van Sang, cadre, Open Arm and Information Service; and Vo Van Nhon, Village Chief.



Among those prisoners who died as a result of hard labor, lack of medical treatment or of cold and starvation were Col. Pham Van Son, historian; Lt. Col. Doan Van Anh; Capt. Nguyen Van Chuong; Lt. Le Quy Ky; Lt. Col. Nguyen Van Nam; Nguyen Dang Hai, Vice-district chief; Col. Chung Van Bong; Lt. Do Rang Dong; Lt. Do Tan Hoang; Lt. Col. Nguyen Tran Louis; Lt. Col. Ha Hau Sinh; Col. Le Van Tho; Col. Lu Phong Van; the millionaire Hoang Kim Quy; Col. Pham Ngoc Loi; Col. Pham Nhu Hien; Lt. Col. Nguyen Quang Hung; Nguyen Dang Bao, Village Chief; Nguyen Ngoc Thanh, government official; Ngo Ngoc Loi, government official; Col. Dang Quang Tiep, and Lt. Tran Duc Quan.



Among those prisoners who were murdered or tortured to death were Lt. Col. Vo Vang; Regiment Commander, Regiment 911; Nguyen Duc Diep, sculptor; Minh Ky, musician; Capt. Tien, Signal Corps; Col. Dang Van Thanh, Regiment Commander, Infantry Division 21; Capt. Tran Van Thang, National Police; Capt. Mao; Le Quang Lac, civilian; Maj. Le Thom; Congressman Dang Van Tiep; Doan Van Xuong, civilian; Capt.Tran Canh Dien; Capt’ Kha, M.D.; Col. Dang Van Thanh; Bao Trong, Assistant to the Commander, National Police; Capt. Tran Van Thang; Lt. Col. Nguyen Van Thanh; Capt. Nguyen Van Tho; Capt. Nguyen Duc Tho; Lt. Nguyen Hong Viet alias Paul, and Lt. Col. Sam.

Sunday, October 27, 2013

THE REEDUCATION

 




The Concept of Reeducation
 




The concept of reeducation was originally borrowed from the Maoist ideology of thought reform. The practices of it were adopted in preparation for the agrarian reforms in the North at the time the nomadic Viet Minh government was still moving about in the jungle. It was systematically implemented after the Nhan Van Revolt (1957-1958) in Hanoi when the Communist State was unable to maintain orthodox prisons. Thought reform continued to be an instrument for repression against all elements the State regarded as counterrevolutionaries throughout the 1960’s.

Thought reform for prisoners was first administered in the North after the CIA-sponsored South Vietnamese commando teams were captured in North Vietnam beginning in 1961. The Government Democratic Republic of Vietnam introduced into its systems of prisons and concentration camps the giao duc cai tao (reeducation reform). The measure was considered as a means of dealing with suspected counterrevolutionary elements within the territory under its control. The security services did not need sufficient evidence to bring the individual to trial or to keep an individual under detention for as many years as necessary. Until many years following the Communist takeover of South Vietnam commandos parachuted into and captured in the North were still seen serving thought reform. The process became fully instrumental in performing reeducation reform after the Communist take over of South Vietnam in April 1975.



A Policy

From a measure, reeducation was incorporated in a policy of national security. By the Resolution 49-NQTVQH of June 20, 1961 and the Circular No.121CP of September 1961, the administration carried out the programs of reeducation of officers, officials, and members of political organizations and parties and other social, economic, and cultural institutions under the French regime. The Resolution 49/NQ/QH, which was signed by Truong Chinh. was judicially a law order. The administration is allowed to arrest and detain a suspect without law process. A term of reeducation is three years. At the end of each term, the reeducated could receive three additional years depending on his devotion under reeducation. Still, the Circular No. 121 CP of September 1961 of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam allowed the authorities to forgather obstinate counterrevolutionary elements. Elements in this category were defined as follows:

"1. All old dangerous spies, guides or agents of the old puppet army or administration; former rangers with many heinous crimes, who received clemency from the Government and much education but still obstinately refuse to reform and who still commit acts threatening to public security. 2. All hard-core members of the former opposing organizations and parties, who previously committed many heinous crimes, received clemency from the Government and much education but still obstinately refuse to reform and who still perform acts threatening to public security, and 3. Obstinate elements in the former exploiting class and all other counterrevolutionaries with deep feelings of vengeance towards our system who always act in opposition. 4. All dangerous counterrevolutionaries who have completed a prison sentence but refuse to reform. (Aurora Foundation, 1988: 39)

In 1967, the National Assembly passed a new legislation defining counterrevolutionary crimes, The law specified crime for "any opposition to the government policy. Those who committed such an act was arrested without trial, incarcerated, and reeducated. From a political measure, reeducation became a law then a policy to deal with political dissidents and reactionaries, and all possible sources of opposition Practically these two legal documents vested the authorities with the authority to handle prisoners under a more elaborate and sophisticated system of control.

The forgathering specifically put into effect the arrest or re-arrest and detention of a limitless number of hostile elements without legal procedures. It effortlessly put them under control in times of political instability. At the same time, it created favorable conditions for the authorities to gather a large number of potential dissidents for thought correction or reform. As a rule, reeducation reform is always coupled with limitless detention, it creates an atmosphere of terror in the population. For easy access to carrying out a certain security policy, reeducation is instrumental to the service of the Party.

 


Reeducation in the South

The Violations of International Agreements


On January 27, 1973, representatives of the United States and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam signed the Agreements on Ending the War and Restoring the Peace in Vietnam. Article 96 of the Agreements specified that "the South Vietnamese people shall decide themselves the political future of South Vietnam through genuinely free and democratic elections under international supervision." More significantly, Article 11 of the Agreements honors the civil and political rights of the Vietnamese people, with all citizens being equal and free to enjoy authentic democratic freedom. Nevertheless, immediately after they concluded of the Agreements, the Communists, launched all-out offensive military campaigns throughout the South. Tens of army divisions from the North invaded and ravaged the country and took it over by force in April 1975.

Before the takeover of Saigon the Provisional Revolutionary Government promised, in its 10-point declaration, to carry out the national concord and reconciliation policy. On the victory celebration in Saigon, Party Secretary-general Le Duan gave assurances that the Party would turn the prisons into schools. However, the Military Administration Committee of Saigon-Gia Dinh Area, in June 1975, issued orders according to which all senior officers from the rank of captain and above, all officials from the grade of assistant director or above from the former administration, to turn themselves in at Gia Long High School and Taberd High School for "reeducation reform." Senior officials, high-ranking officers, members of the Senate and House of Representatives, politicians, and priests and monks of all Churches were to register with the Communist military authorities at various both public and private departments, agencies, and services for "reeducation." Reeducation began in the awe of the South Vietnamese people.

The Characteristics

The policy for education with all its sophisticated measures and methods of reeducation previously executed in the North against the dangerous agents of the puppet government, henchmen of imperialism,, opposing organizations, and counterrevolutionaries were, again, systematically put into practice. Nguyen Ngoc Giao wrote in the Quan Doi Nhan Dan (The People’s Army) that "reeducation is a meticulous and long-range process; management. It must be tight, continuous, comprehensive, and specific. We must manage each person. We manage their thoughts and actions, words and deeds, philosophy of life and ways of livelihood, social relationship and travel... We must closely combined management and education with interrogation (Aurora Foundation, 1966:40)

This policy was intensively and variously put into effect after the Communist takeover of South Vietnam. The objectives and methods of application were modeled on the old laws and practices, but the measures of handling the reeducated were much more severe and brutal. The modes of maltreatment of hundreds of thousands of people in reeducation camps, which were in fact all prisons. They were executed with tricks and restrictions that were unpopular and inhumane. Prisoners were crammed into their minds with political lessons, which is an act of revenge that only causes suffering, illness, and even death, to the reeducated and grief and distress to their family members and relatives (Bui Tin, 1993: 231).

Even authorities in the Party realized that reeducation reform proved to be a failure, culturally and politically. The National Assembly, in 1984, passed a penal code that eliminated reeducation camps as a form of punishment. Under the new law, persons guilty of serious violations should be subjected to house surveillance, in which condition the convict would have to remain to stay within a given locality and to live, work, and "reform himself" under the control of the local authorities.

Authorities in the Party showed embarrassment as to whether or not giving up education camps as a tool for managing political security. On the other hand, the People’s Control Organ, which is supposed to ensure the law, was incapable of preventing or stopping abuses. Camp reeducation remained mandatory. It was not until February 1985 that the Party showed some leniency. More prisoners that were not professionals were released from the camps. An internal struggle was under way between those party-members who concerned with establishing a rule of law and those who hesitated, pondering over whether or not to abolish reeducation camps as an instrument in securing political stability. In 1987, as the economy of the country deteriorated and the Party was in difficulty to deal with all sources of opposition, the People’s Council of Ho Chi Minh City adopted its own regulations that specifically called for "concentrated education for past or present counterrevolutionary elements who refuse to be reeducated."

Processes of Reeducation

People in the South, even people from the North who had experienced hardship under communism, were duped. They were all credulous, subjective, and easily persuaded, although critical to some degree. They believed the new political system .would soon putt everything in order. They did not believe and did not want to believe that it would deal their compatriots with such an evil intention, to eliminate their compatriots who are, in reality, their relatives or friends. Realists and pessimists in this situation were only a few. People thought that only thugs that served the puppet government would be executed and that such an accident would only occur in some remote districts in the rural or mountainous areas.

What had happened, in reality? There had been no real blood bath. The new political regime had acted in such a clever manner that it successfully assured everyone of its indulgence and leniency towards the military and the civil personnel of the collapsed puppet administration. Worries about a blood bath dissipated; enthusiasm of joining an organization to rebel against the new regime evaporated; and expectations for evasion to a foreign country melted away. To everyone’s dismay, at this time of self-assured radiance, reeducation began. It took place about a month after the takeover of Saigon. The incident befell calmly, in a quite ordinary manner and without a surprise.


The Registration and Promises

People accepted reeducation. Throughout the country, the authorities issued lists of officers detached for temporary service at schools and officers working at local and central military headquarters. All were invited for reeducation in a polite manner. The cadres in charge at the committees of military administration made people believe that reeducation was something of little importance. Once we have lived in a new regime, we have to change our ideology. So, we need to study the new ideology and politics. As far as the duration for reeducation was concerned, the authorities gave everyone a hint that it would only take a short period of time. Being pressed for a definitive answer, they vaguely speculated that it would only take several weeks to a month. Under these circumstances, one thought to oneself: Why not then to report oneself to the committee? A flash of hope gleamed out in everyone’s head: At the end of the reeducation course, a certificate would be accorded, and everyone would be able to live, and there would be no devil to pay.

Believing in what the regime had promised, the high-ranking military officers and members of the political parties of the old regime presented themselves in person with a light heart before the authorities in their districts. A subdued behavior as such also constituted a positive attitude of cooperation. That was the reason for which few people sought to escape from the tricky plan of reeducation. And, that was the first success the regime had achieved. The greater success of the new regime was the hidden scheme that was only noticeable when those first and second lieutenants who had been discharged from military duties before 1975 had to report themselves with the authorities for concentration reeducation. These servicemen believed that they were not required to do so. These former junior officers felt assured they felt assured that everything was being done all right. The regime would do well by them.

The prospective reeducated then left for reeducation, each supplied himself with a light sac. Had the authorities not said that reeducation would only last 10 days for a junior officer and 30 days for a senior officer and a general? In addition, the authorities had showed a scheme in their vague turn of phrase in an earlier notice by calling noncommissioned officers and privates for an on-the-spot reeducation for three days. The courses usually concluded at a fixed date. Senior officers and generals were convoked for reeducation a month later. Everyone believed that the new regime would keep its promises. To assure of assiduity, the Communist State rectified its order by affirming that the reeducated needed to bring food for 10 days. One could only explain to oneself that the text was ambivalent and the intentions was doubtful. The ambiguity of the text serves as a mask over the real intentions (Buu Lich, 1984: 1-2).



The Prisoner Population -- The Statistics

Until this day, there has been no official statistics issued by the State of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam on the number of reeducated prisoners. Reeducation remained the predominant device of social control until the present day. It was used to incarcerate members of certain social classes in order to coerce them to accept and conform to the socialist norms. This type of control is one feature of a broader effort to control the social deviant and destroy at the roots all possible forces of opposition, counterrevolution and the resistance.

The daily Saigon Giai Phong (Saigon Liberated) reported, in June 1975, that approximately 400,000 officers, officials, and members of various political parties turned themselves in to undergo reeducation. In this category, about a half (200,000) were ex-Communists who changed sides during the Open Arms campaign, and the remaining included former members of the Secret Police, the Special Forces, the South Vietnamese Marines, Parachutists, and Flying Tigers officers that were involved in operation Phoenix. Various sources reported that after the liberation of Saigon, waves of massive arrests and incarcerations for reeducation. Measures were carried out to deal with dangerous elements. In many areas, people who were associated with the defeated Saigon government were executed. As many as 300,000 military officers, civilian officials, and political party members were kept in twenty-one reeducation camps for periods varying from a few months to many years. Hundreds of writers, artists, journalists, and publishers were arrested and sent to the camps in 1975-76 because of their political viewpoints evidenced by past works and affiliations.

The camp personnel attempted to change the political viewpoints of the camp inmates through confessions and collective discussion of their crimes. Nevertheless, after 1978, with security threats perceived as increasingly alarming because of economic crisis and overt hostility of China, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam appeared to have viewed the camps and prisons a convenient way to keep the individuals from making contacts with other potential opposition elements that operated clandestinely in the country. The French journal L'humanite, in its issue of publication on January 10, 1977, reported that about 60,000 prisoners were incarcerated in various camps and prisons. Vo Van Sung, Hanoi's former ambassador to Paris, put forward the figure of 50,000 prisoners. The official journal of the Vietnamese Communist Party, Nhan Dan, only reported the releases of prisoners. Prime Minister Pham Van Dong, in his interview with journalist Jean-Claude Labbe (Paris Match, No 1530, September 22, 1978), simply declared that "during these three years [1975-1977] we have sent back more than a million (1,000,000) people, who collaborated in one way or another with the enemy, to the civil life and their families."

The Washington Area League for Human Rights reported that during the months that followed April 1975, the Communist administration in the South arrested and detained 400,000 patriots who had no connection with the former South Vietnamese administration, including intellectuals, clergymen, artists, writers, and even newborn babies and invalids. Arrests were also made upon 200,000 officers, officials, political party members, and 200,000 ex-Communists who converted and joined the South Vietnamese force during the Chieu Hoi (Open Arms) campaign from (Ngo Dinh) Diem's to (Nguyen Van) Thieu' s time.

Thousands of innocent Vietnamese, many whose only crimes were those of conscience. They were arrested and detained. Many of them were tortured to death in prisons and reeducation camps. Instead of bringing hope and reconciliation to war-torn Vietnam, the government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam created a painful nightmare that overshadowed significant progress achieved in many areas of the Vietnamese society. It stated in February 1979 that some 50,000 people were incarcerated. Journalists, independent observers, and refugees, however. estimated the current number of political prisoners between 150,000 and 200,000. Whatever the exact number, the facts form a grim mosaic.

The Testament of Patriotic Prisoners in Vietnam, issued on April 18, 1979, maintained that "apart from 400,000 soldiers, officers, and civil servants of the former Government now serving life sentences in concentration camps, the present Communist Government has detained close to 400,000 people from other walks of life: laborers, peasants, workers, patriotic intellectuals, those whose past was in no way connected with the former puppet Government in Saigon, and those who, on the contrary, have achieved a certain notoriety among the people for their past struggle for peace (Washington Area League for Human Rights, 1978: 14). Verified reports appeared in the press around the globe, from the journal Le Monde in Paris and The Observer in London to the Washington Post and Newsweek in New York. People heard the horror stories from the people of Vietnam-- from the workers and the peasants, Catholic nuns and Buddhist priests, from the boat people, the artists and professionals, and those who fought alongside the National Liberation Front.

In 1981, Amnesty International established the information given by Hanoi that there were only 40,000 people being reeducated throughout the country. Members of the humanitarian organization were invited to visit the typical camp at Ha Son Binh. There, several hundred inmates pretended to enjoy their reeducation as if they were in a kindergarten. Hoang Tung, the then spokesman of the Central Committee of the Vietnamese Communist Party, portrayed them as people on vacation. The members of Amnesty International might not have noticed. The plain truth is that before their visit, more than 4,000 prisoners at Ha Son Binh Camp had been transferred to other camps and that policemen mingled with the group of inmates to welcome the delegate.

The report by Ginetta Sagan and Stephen Denney, which is based on the results of investigations and interviews, revealed that very few of the reeducated, if any, were freed after the period of 10 days or a month. Among the million who went to reeducation camps (more than 150 camps throughout Vietnam), approximately 500,000 people were released within three months, 200,000 detained for two to four years, and 240,000 persons detained in camps for at least 5 years. Until now (April 1983), at least 60,000 people are still under detention. In mid-1985 the Communist rule conceded that it still held about 100,000 inmates in the reeducation camps, but the actual number was to be believed to be at least 40,000. In 1982, there were about 120,000 Vietnamese in these camps.

At the end of 1990, the Ministry for the Interior Affairs of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam announced the arrest of 30,000 reactionaries. In November 1991, it declared that there were no more political prisoners in Vietnam after it released more than 100 prisoners detained at Camp 230D at Ham Tan. In June 1991, Amnesty International expressed concerns over the fate of prisoners of war in Vietnam as follows:

"1. The detention without charge or trial of people associated with the former Government of the Republic of Vietnam. Many ere released under government amnesties in 1987 and 1988 but over 100 have remained untried detention. 2. The detention without charge of alleged opponents of the present government in reeducation camps for alleged antigovernment activities. They include members of the clergy, writers, and intellectuals, people of Chinese ethnic origin, and professionals. Some who remain in detention are prisoners of conscience and it is believed that others, about whom little is known, may also be prisoners of conscience detained for the peaceful expression of their political, religious, or other beliefs, and 3. Some prisoners of conscience and possible prisoners of conscience were held for years in untried detention before being brought to court and convicted of participating in activities with intent to "overthrow the people's government. Others were arrested and brought to trial in more recent years. In these cases, it is believed that court procedures did not conform to international standards for fair trial. 4. The use of the death penalty in Vietnam The Vietnamese media reported that in the first nine months of 1990, 56 persons were sentenced to death. Amnesty International has no specific information about these cases."

The humanitarian agency also reported that the figures issued by the Communist authorities in the two amnesties in 1988 suggested the release of 11,500 prisoners of whom nearly 5,800 had been held in administrative detention without charge or trial in reeducation camps. Among those who were released from reeducation, over 1,000 people were held since 1975. In its report issued in June 1991, The December 1992 report to the Australia Congress pointed out that approximately 65,000 people had been executed in rural areas throughout the country and that 500,000 people, who were considered as sympathizers with the old political regime, were arrested and detained for four (4) to fourteen (14) years. This also means that to eradicate the political influence of the old regime, the Communists activated campaigns of propaganda to sustain the spur to arrests and detention of political dissidents, writers and artists, and religious leaders.

On January 25, 1993, Nguyen Thi Hong, the press attache at the Vietnam Mission to the United Nations, said to the San Jose Mercury News that Vietnam had released all former South Vietnamese military prisoners from reeducation camps. Although they thought that almost all the ex-military officers had been freed, many overseas Vietnamese groups believed that the Socialist Republic of Vietnam still held thousands of the reeducated in an intricate network of prisons and reeducation camps throughout the country. Human rights groups such as Asia Watch and Amnesty International were reluctant to estimate the number of camp populations, saying that they had been refused access to the camps. Canada's representative to the Third Committee of the 49th UNGA, on November 29, 1994, called on the Communist government to release political dissidents and expressed grave concerns over the treatment of religious leaders in Vietnam.

Vietnam became a true inferno on earth. The jails were overflowing with thousands upon thousands of prisoners. People disappeared and never returned. People were shipped to reeducation centers, died a starvation diet of stain rice, forced to squat bound wrist to ankle, suffocated in connex-- iron containers . People were used as human mine detectors, cleaning live mine fields with their hands and feet. For many, life is hell and death is prayed for .Many victims were men, woman, and children who had supported and fought for the causes of reunification and self-determination; those who, as pacifists, members of religious groups, or on moral and philosophic grounds had opposed the authoritarian policies of Thieu and Ky, artists and intellectuals whose commitment to creative expression was anathema to the totalitarian policies of the government (Joan Baez. Open Letter of May 1, 1978).

Saturday, October 12, 2013

THE COMMUNIST DISSOLUTION OF THE CULTURE OF SOUTH VIETNAM



The Confiscation of Book




 

While achieving the takeover of power in South Vietnam in April 1975, the revolutionary government suspended almost all private publications and compiled a list of banned books, including the entirety of works of fifty-six southern authors. The citizens were prohibited to listen to imperialist radio broadcasts. They were also urged to report with the local authorities those who listened to them or spread news heard from them. An army cultural unit was set up and worked at each neighborhood to wipe out the vestiges of the neocolonialist culture left behind by the old regime, including books, printed materials, tapes, records, and publications. Groups of red guards went from house to house in search for decadent and reactionary literature.

Tons and tons of books, reviews, magazines and all types of printed materials published under the old regime were confiscated. Loads of such decadent culture materials were piled up and burnt at crossroads. In May 1975, the libraries at the Faculty of Law and Faculty of Letters of Saigon University were ransacked, and all the books were burned. Control was strict and focused on the circulation and possession of printed matter. Possessors of books and all types of printed matters were encouraged to register with the local authorities for unforeseen inspection. Failures to do so would commit crimes. Officials in the old regime‘s Bureau of Censorship of Newspapers and Books, Ministry of Culture and Information, oftentimes, would have blinded their eyes on certain sources of news and criticisms on newspapers and magazines with charges of benefiting the communists left certain leftist authors alone. As private publications did not exist in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, publications of any sort in the North, must be Party- oriented and State-owned, and thus instrumental at the hands of the Party and State. The ultimate goal was to propagate the Party’s ideology and dogmas, and eulogize Uncle Ho and the Party leadership. Books of all types, from textbooks to novels, reviews, magazines, and newspapers of every sort were there to serve the regime to make the citizens believe in Uncle Ho, the Party, and the State.

The Communist State, as always, monopolizes the acculturation of the propagation of ideology and the diffusion of information, and distribution of printed matters. The size of an edition and the effort that went into publication did not depend upon the needs and demands of the society but upon the judgment of the authorities who determined if the content of information and sources of the material are instrumentally good for the regime. Thus, after April 30, 1975, for political purposes, all private printing houses, newspapers, bookstores, theatrical and opera troupes, tea rooms, film companies, cinemas, and publishers were ordered to suspend their activities. and they remain closed thereafter.


The dissolution of the culture of the South was systematic and complete. Party Secretary-general Le Duan, at the 1976 Party Congress stated that "the important task of ideological and cultural work is to combat bourgeois ideology and other non-proletarian ideologies, to sweep away the influence of the neocolonialist ideology and culture in the South, to spread thoroughgoing propaganda and education about Marxism-Leninism ideology and the lines and policies of the Party in order to give absolute predominance to Marxism-Leninism the political and spiritual life of the entire people." The review Nghien Cuu Lich Su (Historical Studies), a research organ of the Vietnamese Communist Party, in its issue of publication in November-December, 1977, pointed out that "the governmental reviewed reports confirmed the seizure of 2,711 m3 of books (10 million volumes) from Khai Tri bookstore in Saigon alone, of which 66 percent were on the official list of banned books." This confiscation process was repeated over and over until there was no trace of any books was left."


Fully six years after the conquest of Saigon, in early 1981, the Communists again mounted a new operation of confiscation against the books that had been published in the South before April 1975 and any new ones that were published by individuals after that since they were only regarded as unorthodox. Three months after the fall of Saigon, the cadres of the campaign for confiscation of materials of decadent culture tallied their accomplishments and had them published in the October 1981 issue of Tap Chi Cong San (The Communist Review): another organ of research of the Vietnamese Communist Party, millions of copies nationwide, and in Saigon alone, 60 tons of printed materials.

The Communist Party and State of Vietnam had practically incorporated all private educational, social, and cultural organizations, agencies, institutions, and establishments previously existent in the South into the State agencies of culture and information in various forms. The Party and State monopolize the publication of books, diffusion of news, and distribution of reading materials of any sort. Journalists and writers who oppose communism have always been made victims of a policy of systematic elimination, through interrogation and incarceration. If Vietnamese books had no way of getting out and being safeguarded abroad, some day people would hardly know how the true literature of Vietnam before the August Revolution of 1945, and notably that of the South prior to the takeover of the South by violence by the Communists would be like.

What the Communist authorities did and have done is to establish a realist literature to serve the Communist regime. The cadres of the Culture and Propaganda departments at all levels have to raise quite a brouhaha about it. The motive behind it all is to create an impression that this is the true literature. The North, after the Nhan Van (Humanity) event, and the South, after the fall of the Nguyen Van Thieu regime, have to follow the same direction. Anything that had been written and circulated in south of the 17th parallel, during the twenty years of war (1955-1975) was no cultural at all. It is nothing but the product of a decadent culture! (Vo Phien, 1993: 5). "

Reevaluation on the Culture of the South

As soon as the Communists came to power in the South April 1975, they began to clamp down the community of journalists, writers, artists, and intellectuals. Successive operations were renewed in late 1975 and early 1976 as part of the campaign against the decadent and reactionary culture. The campaign of repression began with a censure of all intellectuals. They were called up to sign themselves in and to report all details of their life, works, and activities. This was ostensibly just a counting of heads, but, in fact, it was later used as a complete file system for the police. It was given in the name Reevaluation by the Communist authorities that was justified in a declaration made by Tran Bach Dang, the Head of the Propaganda Branch of the North Vietnamese Government in the South (Summer, 1975). The culture of the South, in this cadre; s views, "is a slave culture, promoted by the American imperialists to destroy the Revolution. If the literature of the South is not reactionary, it is at least decadent. Therefore, the (Communist) Party and the Government of the North must reevaluate the whole culture of the South."

 

Categorization of Literary and Scholarly Works

In the summer of 1975, all writers, poets, artists and journalists in the South were to register with the Association of Writers and Artists of Ho Chi Minh City. Their works were revaluated. The reevaluation involved the division of all literary and scholarly works into six categories, and all published works had to be subject to this classification:

Category A: Works that opposed communism in any way. Examples of writers in this category were: Andre Gide, Pasternak, Solzhenitsyn, and Pearl Buck. Among the Vietnamese writers were Doan Quoc Sy, Vu Khac Khoan, and Nghiem Xuan Hong.

Category B: Works considered by the northern cultural authorities as decadent, for example, those of Henri Miller, Elia Kazan, D.H. Lawrence, Erskine Caldwell, and Herman Hesse, and existentialists such as Camus, Sartre, and De Beauvoir. Among the Vietnamese authors in this category were Tuy Hong, Nguyen Thi Thuy Vu, Trung Duong, and Nguyen Dinh Toan. Even the female novelist Nguyen Thi Hoang, who described in the most modern and poetic terms, a love affair between a sixteen-year-old student and her teacher, was classed as decadent because the ‘moralistic’ northerners do not permit such emotions.


Category C: Romantic works, approximately like works of nineteenth century authors such as Alexandre Dumas, Lamartine, Chateaubriand, and George Sand. Pre-nineteenth century authors were not considered necessary for evaluation. Also in this category were Carson McCullers, Eric Segal, Somerset Maugham, Quynh Dao, and Han Suyin. The writers in this category were considered bourgeois unaware of the miseries of society around them. South Vietnamese writers in this category were Linh Bao, Tu Ke Tuong, Trong Nguyen, Hoang Ngoc Tuan, etc... Poets of love and romance were also classed here, such as Tue Nga, Nhu Hien, Nguyen Sa, and Hoang Anh Tuan.

    
Category D: Philosophical and Religious Works: According to the principles of reevaluation, behind every religious system, and in every philosophical school, the literature of a capitalist state aims gradually to destroy the will of mankind to struggle and to debilitate man's spirit. Therefore, all translations of Tagore, Omar Khayyam, and poems praising Shakyamuni (Buddha), Kwan-Yin, Christ and the Virgin Mary were classified as category D. Works of poets Pham Thien Thu, Pham Cong Thien, Bui Giang, and the Zen poet Vo Chan Cuu and Huy Tuong were also in this group.


Category E: Works considered by the cultural authorities of the North to be healthy, constructive, and progressive, for example, were those of Emile Zola, Honore de Balzac, and all works praising the working class struggle. Vietnamese authors included in here were Nguyen Van Xuan, Phan Du, Nguyen Thi Thuy Vu, Vu Mai Anh, and so on. Poems by Mac Khai, Truc Phuong, and Kien Giang Ha Huy Ha were also admitted.


Category F: This is the highest category and includes all works based on Marxist thought, which were considered to have contributed to the revolutionary struggle, for example, works of Maxim Gorky, Vu Hanh, and Nguyen Van Xuan who attacked the decadent culture of the South, celebrating their Anti-French Resistance movement. Finally, what was known as the Autumn Collection was classified here, as well as works of Phan Du, Van Xuan, Bien Ho, and Ho Truong An (Washington Area League for Human Rights, 1978: 22-23)."

 

The Persecution

 

Independent writers and personalities were arrested. They were Nguyen Manh Con, Doan Quoc Sy, Ho Huu Tuong, Bui Giang, Le Xuyen, Pham Viet Tuyen, Pham Van Tam (Thai Lang Nghiem), Le Van Tien, Vu Hoang Chuong, Nguyen Sy Te, Pham Dinh Tan, Pham Trong Nhan, Nguyen Viet Khanh, Ho Van Dong, Hoang Hai Thuy, Vo Long Trieu, Thich Quang Do, Thich Huyen Quang, Tran Van Tuyen, Nguyen Hoat, Nguyen Ngoc Tan (Pham Thai), and Vu Quoc Thong. They were personalities whose free thinking and modern ideas presented a prime obstacle and a serious threat to the austere ideology coming from the North.

 
 
Mass Arrests

Mass arrests of the intelligentsia in the South began. It was severe, expansive, and systematic. Waves of journalists, writers, artists, dignitaries and intellectuals of the old regime were called to reeducation. They were necessarily reeducated, that is, brainwashed, detained, and imprisoned. Very few of them escaped from being arrested because of a sophisticated network of journalists, writers, and artists who served as underground agents for the Communists during the Vietnam war. They were such intellectuals as Vu Hanh, Hoang Trong Mien, Thai Bach, Thanh Nghi, Luu Trung Duong alias Luu Nghi, Nguyen Ngoc Luong (Tin Van Literary Group), Lu Phuong, Ngoc Linh, The Nguyen, Van Trang, and Cung Tich Bien.



Independent writers and personalities were arrested. They were Nguyen Manh Con, Doan Quoc Sy, Ho Huu Tuong, Bui Giang, Le Xuyen, Pham Viet Tuyen, Pham Van Tam (Thai Lang Nghiem), Le Van Tien, Vu Hoang Chuong, Nguyen Sy Te, Pham Dinh Tan, Pham Trong Nhan, Nguyen Viet Khanh, Ho Van Dong, Hoang Hai Thuy, Vo Long Trieu, Thich Quang Do, Thich Huyen Quang, Tran Van Tuyen, Nguyen Hoat, Nguyen Ngoc Tan (Pham Thai), and Vu Quoc Thong. They were personalities whose free thinking and modern ideas presented a prime obstacle and a serious threat to the austere ideology coming from the North.


Three distinct waves of repression that could be delineated in the years that followed the Communist takeover of April 30, 1975. The first wave took place in May and June 1975. The initial group consisted primarily of writers and journalists who had worked for the pre-1975 government in the South or who had joined or had been conscripted into the Armed Forces of the Republic of Vietnam. The second wave began in late 1975 and early 1976 as part of an intensive campaign against decadent and reactionary culture. The third wave of repression began on May 2, 1984 when more than 20 writers and artists were arrested, also for ungrounded reasons. A significant number have been arrested at other times under different circumstances (Aurora Foundation, 1989: 73-77).



In the first wave of arrest, at least, ten prominent journalists, writers, artists, and intellectuals, reportedly died in prison. They were the lawyer Tran Van Tuyen, the writer Nguyen Manh Con, the novelist Duong Hung Cuong, the scholar Ta Nguyen Minh, the writer and journalist Nguyen Hoat, the scholar Ho Huu Tuong, the poet Vu Hoang Chuong, the film actor Kha Nang, the scholar Le Khai Trach, and the music composer Nguyen Van Dong. The number of writers and artists died at camp remained unknown due to massive arrests and poor access to sources. In the third wave of arrest, Nguyen Hoat and Duong Hung Cuong did not survive maltreatment. Nguyen Hoat died in Chi Hoa prison. and Duong Hung Cuong died in Phan Dang Luu prison. Eighty former prisoners of conscience interviewed by the Aurora Foundation independently claimed that the Communist's goal was to prevent contacts between Vietnamese writers and the foreign intellectual community (Aurora Foundation, 1988: 77). Approximately one hundred journalists, writers, artists, and intellectuals were reportedly detained at unknown whereabouts.



Journalists, writers, and artists who had worked for or who had joined or been conscripted into the Armed Forces of the Republic of Vietnam were coercively arrested and detained. Among them were: Thanh Tam Tuyen, Van Quang, Nguyen Dinh Toan, Nhat Tien, Duy Lam, Vu Duc Anh, Do Tien Duc, Thao Truong, Dang Tran Huan, Nguyen Huu Nhat, Lam Hao Dung, Cao My Nhan, Duong Hung Cuong, Ha Thuc Sinh, Dang Chi Binh, Pham Quoc Bao, Phan Nhat Nam, Ta Ty, Dang Giao, Khuat Duy Trac, and Nguyen Duc Quang,



Hundreds of other writers, poets, artists, publishers, painters, musicians and composers, actors and singers, journalists, scholars and lawyers who were arrested in successive mass arrests. Among them were: Ha Thuong Nha, Vu Dang Dung, Phan Lac Phuc, Ly Dai Nguyen, Sao Bien Tran Tu Binh, Uyen Thao, Nguyen Huy Giao, Nguyen Huu Doan, Cung Tram Tuong, To Thuy Yen, Tran Danh San, Duong Nghiem Mau, Nguyen Manh Con, Son Dien Nguyen Viet Khanh, Tran Da Tu, Ho Huu Tuong, Bui Giang, Le Xuyen, Tran Le Nguyen, Son Khanh, Hoang Hai Thuy, Nguyen Thuy Long, Nguyen Thanh Cam, To Kieu Ngan, Thanh Van, Thai Thuy, Nguyen Kim Phuong, Duy Lam, The Uyen, Phuong Trieu, Hoang Loc, Thanh Ton, Tran Hoai Thu, Ho Minh Dung, Duong Kien, Nguyen Trung Dung, Tran Dai, Ngo The Vinh, Hong Duong, Hoang Dinh Huy Quan, Luan Hoan, Bui Kim Dinh, Chinh Yen, Chu Tram Nguyen, Cao Thoai Chau, Lam Hao Dung, Duong Dien Nghi, Phan Viet Thuy, Dinh Hoang Sa, Mac Phong Luan, Le Vinh Tho, Thuy Nguyen, Pham Le, Phan, Hoang Quy, Hoang Khai Nhan, Nguyen Vu, Phan Du, Do Tan, Luu Van, Nguyen Trieu Nam, Trieu Hoa Dai, Ninh Chu, The Phong, Huy Luc, Tong Minh Hong, Nguyen Van Thang, Nguyen Bach Duong, Tran Lu Vu, , Y Yen, Tu The Mong, , Phan Ba Thuy Duong, Mai Tien Thanh, Muong Man, Tu Ke Tuong, Le Ba Lang, Lam Chuong, Ha Nguyen Thach, Huu Phuong, Nguoi Thang Long, Pham Viet Tuyen, Luu Kham, Thich Thong Buu,, Nhu Phong, Ngoc Diep, Phan The Hung, Nguyen Huu Hieu, Huy Phuong, Tran Chau Ho, Tran Van Thai, Pham Dinh Tan, Hi Van, Pham Trong Nhan, Mai Chung, Pham Ngoc Khue, Ho Thanh Duc, Nguyen Lam, Thuc Vu, Xuan Diem, Do Kim Bang, Truc Phuong, Le Minh Bang, Nguyen Van Dong, Dan Trinh, Vu Xuan Thong, Hi Van, Kha Nang, Nguyen Sang, Van Dzai, Vu Duc Duy, Hung Cuong, Minh Dang Khanh, Nguyen Van Truong, Pham Quang Khai, Ho Nam, Thanh Thuong Hoang, To Ngoc, Nhuoc Bang, Tran Xuan Thanh, Tran Buu Khanh, Tran Dai, Le Khiem, Nguyen Khac Nhan, Vo Long Trieu, Ho Van Dong, Nguyrn Kien Giang, Minh Vo, Doan Ke Tuong, Huyen Anh, Lam Tuong Du, Anh Thuan, Nguyen Tien, Le Phu Nhuan, Thai Duong, Nguyen Trung Thanh, and Cat Huu (Charter 78)..


Still, a significant number of journalists, writers, artists, and intellectuals were arrested and sent to various reeducation camps. Among them were Vu Duc Hai, Vo Van Hai, To Huy Co, Doan Van Khang, Mac Thu Luu Vo Quoc Than, Duc Sinh, Nguyen Thach Kien, Dang Giao Tran Duy Cat, Sao Bien Tran Tu Binh, Vo Long Te, Bui Ngoc Dung, Le Ba Lang, Le Khiem, Nguyen Bao Danh, Nguyen Huu Nhat, Nguyen Tien, Nguyen Tu, Jham Dai, Phung Ngoc An, Phan Ngo, Tran Buu Khanh, Tran Dai, Tran Dai Long, Tran Ngoc Tu, Tran Quy Phong, Trinh Viet Thanh, Vu Mong Long alias Duyen Anh, Truong Vi Tri, Vu Duc Nghiem, Vuong Van Nga, Bui Kim Dinh, Cat HuuDinh Ngoc Nguyen, Ha Tuong Cat, Ho Van Dong, Nguyen Thuy Long, Tran Nhon Co, Nguyen Trung Thanh, Mai Duc Khoi, Nguyen Khanh Gio, Nguyen Thanh Nhan, Nguyen Thi Phuoc Ly, Nguyen Lang, Nguyen Van Than alias Ho Ong, and Pham The Hung.


Religious dignitaries and political figures were targeted with arrest and imprisonment. High dignitaries were not an exception. Among them were Catholic Archbishop Nguyen Kim Dien, Catholic Archbishop Nguyen Van Thuan, the Buddhist Patriarch Thich Huyen Quang, the Chairman of the Institute for the Propagation of Buddhist Faith Thich Quang Do, the Honorable Phan Vo Ky of the B’Hai, His Excellency Tran Quang Vinh of Cao Dai, The Honorable Phan Ba Cam and the Honorable Luong Trong Tuong of Hoa Hao, the Honorable Vu Hong Khanh and Nguyen Van Thai alias Thai Nam of Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang, the Honorable Ta Quang Hoi alias Ta Nguyen Minh of the Viet Nam Quoc Gia Xa Hoi, and the Honorable Pham Van Tam alias Thai Lang Nghiem and the Honorable Tran Thanh Dinh of the Duy Dan.


Amnesty International was particularly concerned about political prisoners who were detained or arrested between 1975 and 1985 The organization requested the Council of Ministers of Vietnam their immediate and unconditional release. Several of them were released. Others were still incarcerated simply because of their faith or expression of opinion Among them were the writers, poets, and journalists Tran Nhon Co, To Huy Co, Thai Nhu Sieu, Doan Quoc Sy, Nguyen Chi Thien; Duong Thu Huong and Nhu Phong Le Van Tien; the Roman Catholic priests and followers Tran Ba Loc, Thadeus Nguyen Van Ly, Nguyen Khac Nghieu, Joseph Le Thanh Que, Nguyen Thai Sanh, and Vu Duc Tuan; the Buddhist monks Thiah Quang Do, Thich Nguyen Giac, Thich Duc Nhuan, Thich Huyen Quang, Thich Tri Sieu, Thich Tue Sy, Thich Thien Tan, and Thich Phuc Vien; and personalities of various professional circles, Diep Hong Chieu, Nguyen Chuyen, Nguyen Lang, Nguyen Thanh Long, Ly Nghiep Phu, Tran Vong Quoc, and Ung So; businesspersons such as Truong Tuy Ba, Truong Di Nhien, Truong Kim Cang, and Thach Phiem; Nguyen Ngoc Lan Doan Thanh Liem, Nguyen Dan Que, Doan Viet Hoat, Nguyen Dinh Luong, and Nguyen Quoc Xung, Trinh Hoc Binh, Le Xuan Diem, Nguyen Van Hao, Pham Duc Nhuan, Quach Vinh Nien, Nguyen Kim Tay and Le Cong Thinh.

 
 

Denunciations of Crimes


Personalities representing various literary, social, and political circles continually voiced denunciations of crimes committed by the Communist administration. and pledge to firmly struggle for freedom, democracy, and human rights for Vietnam. Typical of them is the manifesto by seventeen personalities in front of Saigon Cathedral on April 18, 1977.


"We, with what remains of our failing strength and our mutilated spirits, resolve to struggle nonviolently for the respect of freedom, democracy, and human rights for Vietnam. Our strength is diminished by hunger and privation. Our spirits are mutilated, with heads bowed and backs bent, we must obey blindly unconditionally, and irrevocably the orders of one Party and a tyrannical government.


We have chosen nonviolence, as it is the only way of avoiding the bloodshed and sacrifice of a people martyred relentlessly over the past decades.

Peasants of the world!

Look at your brothers in Vietnam. The Vietnamese peasant labors in the sweltering heat of the tropics, at the mercy of nature only to find his harvest confiscated in the name of building a so-called socialism. The water-buffalo, after pulling the plough all day is allowed a few moment’s rest. The Vietnamese peasant, after toiling all day in the rice-fields is forced to spend his rare moments of leisure undergoing indoctrination lessons.


Workers of the world!

Imagine the working conditions of the Vietnamese laborer. Forced to work all month long without hope of a different week, all week without hope of a different day, all day without a different hour, he is to receive in the end nothing but a pittance of a wage and, on top of this, be obliged to declare that he is working on his own free will. He has to offer his sweat, blood, and tears to the Party leaders, and for propaganda’s sake, must publicly proclaim that his acts are guided the providence of the government, of the omniscient, all-clairvoyant Party. In Vietnam, even this basic right has been denied.

Clergymen, scientists, artists, and progressive intellectuals of the world!

May all those praying in churches have their prayers!

May all those engrossed in their research come out of their laboratories!

May all those who create break up their pens and threw away the brushes!

All! All! Look at the tragedy of Vietnam! A country where churches and pagodas are turned into indoctrination centers, where all principles even the very laws of nature are distorted to fit the regime’s propaganda and where writers and journalists are forced to put their pens to the service of the Party and Government, to cover up the cruel errors they have committed.

All Vietnamese, whether they be peasants workers, or intellectuals have no other alternatives to

-Resign themselves to the inevitable, and blindly obey the orders of this new race of peculators --Communist cadres-- in order to receive a miserable wage, the meager crumbs of a meal and perish in despair.

-Die of hunger and exhaustion in one of the many concentration camps that have been set up all over the country.

The entire harvest of the peasants and all goods produced by the workers are taken over by the State and redistributed according to the State’s own criteria.

We have seen:

-Workers and peasants forced to work unpaid during the leisure hours for fear that their family’s rice ration be cut and that they will die of hunger.

-Old people and women feigning smiles and enthusiasm in meetings and gatherings, for lack of enthusiasm can be punished by the refusal of rice rations and basic necessities for the whole day.

-Prisoners who, even after release, must keep silent, dare not tell about the horrors they have seen in the prisons. They are haunted by the constant fear that if they are caught speaking out, their wives and children will be deprived of their rice rations and die of hunger.

-One may find the courage to sacrifice one’s own life, but who can bear to see his loved ones sacrificed because his own acts?

This is the reason behind many pathetic and unthinkable cases, and in the case the father who, in order to ensure a proper rice ration for his son, urges his son to denounce him. Otherwise, both of them will die. This only one of many, imaginable to those who have not lived in Vietnam (e.g. a woman denouncing her husband, a man denouncing his own brother). The present regime uses food as a pressure to govern the people, compelling them to obey, breaking all resistance. Any individual thought, however constructive it may be, although it may never be put into action, is branded reactionary and can entail arbitrary imprisonment for he who dares express it. Those who run the Laws Courts, the Police and the deputies in the National Assembly are all, in fact, political cadres who follow the directives of the one Party.


Whereas the propaganda machine grinds out principles of tolerance, humanity, freedom, and democracy. the reality is completely different. More than twenty percent of the former regime’s regime officials detained in concentration camps have been murdered or tortured to death. Moreover, the Government has confiscated all private property, even that of the workers who have been chased out of towns and now have to work on country sites and in the camps.

Intellectuals in the world! Wake up!

Proletarians in the world! Wake up!


To save the human being, this conscience which is inherent in man, you must all struggle to put an end to the barbaric cruelty and the violation of human and civil rights by the Government in Vietnam today.

There is not a moment to lose and on the basis of clauses 13 and 63 of the United Nations Charter, you, progressive nations, governments, international organizations, and, particularly, UNO must intervene to end by all means this savage violation by which reduces man to the state of an animal, resigning himself totally, blindly obeying orders.

Every hour that passes marks the death of thousands of people in concentration camps and prisons. Every day that passes is one more day of torture and suffering for millions of Vietnamese. They live in waiting for the outcry and action of humanists all over the world (The Washington Area League for Human Rights, 1078:5-7).